^  SEP  26  1940 

Logical  SE^^ 


Thirty-five  Years  of 

Luther  Research 


By 

J.  M.  REU,  D.D. 

Professor  at  Wartburg  Seminary 

Dubuque,  Iowa 


With  27  Illustrations 


CHICAGO,  ILL. 

Wartburg  Publishing  House 
1917 


Luther  in  the  year  1543. 
Engraved  liy  F.  VV.  P-ollinger  after  a  painting  by  Cranach. 


INTRODUCTION 

EXCEPT  the  small  work  of  Boehmer,  cast  in  popular 
form,  there  is  no  complete  treatment  in  English 
of  the  many  problems  in  the  Life  of  Luther  that  have 
been  raised  and  investigated  by  scholars  since  the  Four 
Hundredth  Anniversary  of  his  Birth  in  1883.  Hence 
The  Lutheran  Church  Review  requested  the  brilliant 
source-scholar,  Prof.  M.  Reu,  D.D.,  of  Wartburg  Semi- 
nary, Dubuque,  to  prepare  a  Life  of  Luther  in  Recent 
Research,  and  published  it  in  several  special  numbers. 
This  work  is  so  thoroughgoing,  satisfactory,  and  impor- 
tant, and  has  been  so  enthusiastically  received  by  readers, 
that  the  Joint  Lutheran  Committee  on  the  Celebration 
of  the  Quadricentennial  of  the  Reformation  was  moved 
to  advise  its  separate  publication. 

It  is  the  most  up-to-date,  fresh,  and  scholarly  presenta- 
tion of  the  subject  in  the  English  language,  and  will  be 
of  invaluable  assistance  to  all  Protestants  who  desire  to 
gain  an  insight  into  the  present  Luther  situation,  and  to 
become  convinced  of  the  justice  of  the  Protestant  cause. 

Theodore  E.  Schmauk, 
Chairman  of  the  Joint  Lutheran  Quadricentennial 
Committee. 


FOREWORD 

THESE  essays  make  no  further  pretensions  than  to 
afford  a  comprehensive  survey  of  the  immense 
amount  of  work  done  in  the  field  of  Luther  research 
since  1883,  and  thus  to  serve  as  a  reHable  guide  through 
the  weaUh  of  Luther  hterature  for  any  one  anxious  to 
examine  the  whole  or  to  subject  this  or  that  phase  to 
intensive  study.  Since  these  essays  were  not  to  develop 
into  a  ponderous  volume  the  author  was  ofttimes  forced 
to  content  himself  with  the  mere  mention  of  certain 
studies  instead  of  detailing  their  results  and  outlining 
the  reasons  for  the  same.  The  chapters :  Luther  and 
the  Scriptures,  Luther  and  the  German  Language,  and 
Luther  and  England,  have  not  appeared  in  the  Lutheran 
Church  Review,  but  have  been  written  especially  for  the 
book-edition ;  and  the  chapter,  "Rome's  Procedure 
Against  Luther,"  is  much  enlarged,  and  many  minor 
additions  have  taken  place. 

After  the  plan  for  this  work  had  already  been  sketched 
and  certain  sections  finished  the  splendid  essay  by 
Kawerau,  "Fuenfundzwanzig  Jahre  Lutherforschung," 
published  in  "Theologische  Studien  und  Kritiken,"  1908, 
came  under  the  author's  notice.  The  occasional  use  of 
this  is  herewith  gratefully  acknowledged. 

Though  it  is  a  fundamental  principle  of  all  scientific 
work,  not  to  quote  anything  which  has  not  been  person- 
ally examined,  the  wealth  of  the  literary  material  in 
question  and  the  remoteness  of  the  author's  place  of  resi- 
dence from  many  of  the  literary  treasures,  precluded  the 


Foreword 

possibility  of  applying  this  principle  in  each  and  every 
instance,  a  fact  which  is  very  much  regretted.  For  those 
who  wish  to  continue  further  research  the  remark  will 
not  come  amiss  that  the  University  of  Chicago  possesses 
a  large  part  of  the  literature  here  mentioned,  and  that  its 
library  includes  a  splendid  collection  of  German  theo- 
logical magazines. 

That  these  essays  are  here  presented  in  readable 
English  is  due  to  the  labors  of  the  Revs.  E.  Groth  of 
Casselton,  N.  D.,  and  Emil  H.  Rausch  of  Waverly,  Iowa, 
who  kindly  furnished  the  English  copy. 

Dubuque,  Iowa,  March,   1917.  M.  Reu. 


CONTENTS 


I.     Factors  Which  Brought  About  a  New  Period  in  Luther 

Research  i 

II.     Fields  in  Which  New  Material  Was  Discovered 12 

III.     New  Editions  of  Luther's  Works 27 

IV.     Researches  on  Particular  Phases  of  the  Life  and  The- 
ology of  Luther 36 

1.  Luther's  Youth 36 

2.  Luther  at  the  University 38 

3.  Luther  Enters  the  Monastery 40 

4.  Luther's  Journey  to  Rome 44 

5.  Luther  Made  a  Doctor  of  Divinity 47 

6.  Luther's  Theological  Development  from  1512  to 

1517 48 

7.  Luther  and  Indulgences 53 

8.  Luther's  Ninety-five  Theses 56 

9.  Rome's  Procedure  Against  Luther,  1517  to  1520  58 

10.  A  Few  Points  of  Luther's  Theology,   1517  to 

1520  6s 

11.  The  Diet  at  Worms 66 

12.  Luther  on  the  Wartburg 71 

13.  Luther  and  the  Scriptures *4 

14.  Luther  and  the  German  Language 78 

15.  Luther's  Return  to  Wittenberg 88 

16.  Luther's  Efforts  to  Build  Up  Evangelical  Con- 

gregations     88 

17.  The  Years  of  Separation 93 

18.  Luther's  Marriage,  Home,  and  Health 96 


Contents 

PAGE 

19.  Luther  Introduces  the  Rite  of  Ordination,  1535  97 

20.  Luther  and  the  Wittenberg  Concord,  1536 100 

21.  Luther  and  England loi 

22.  Luther  and  the  Smalcald  Articles,  1537 104 

23.  Luther  and  Agricola's  Antinomism 105 

24.  Luther  and  Philip's  Bigamy,  1539 106 

25.  Luther  and  the  Revision  of  the  Bible,  1531  to 

1541  107 

26.  The  Last  Years  of  Luther's  Life  Work 108 

27.  Auxiliary  Literature 1 1 1 

V.     Important  Luther  Biographies 113 

Notes 118 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Between 
Paiies 

1.  Luther  in  the  year  1543.    Frontispiece 

2.  Luther,    the    Augustinian    4 — 5 

3.  Luther  in  the  year  1521   6 — 7 

4.  Luther  as  'Junker  Joerg',  December,  1521  10 — 11 

5.  Luther  as  'Junker  Joerg',  1522 1&-19 

6.  Luther  in  the  year  1523  22 — 23 

7.  Luther  in  the  year  1525  26 — 27 

8.  Luther  in  the  year  1526  34—35 

9.  Luther  in  the  year  1533  38—39 

10.  Luther  in  the  year  1535  42-^3 

11.  Luther  in  the  year  1542  50—51 

12.  Luther  in  his  later  years  54 — 55 

13.  The  old  Luther  58—59 

14.  Letter  of  indulgence  for  the  benefit  of  the  St.  Peter's 
Church  at  Rome.    With  seal  attached  66 — 67 

15.  Title  page  of  the  book  'Von  der  babylonischen  Ge- 
fangenschaft  der  Kirche',  1521   70 — 71 

16.  Title   page   of  the   book   'Von   der   Freiheit   eines 
Christenmenschen',   1520    86 — 87 

17.  Bull  against  the  errors  of  Martin  Luther  and  his 
followers    90—91 

18.  Psalm    1.      Illustration    from    the    second    German 

Bible   98—99 

19.  Page  of  the  Septemberbible  of  1522 102—103 

20.  Facsimile  of  a  page  of  the  New  Testament  printed 

at  Augsburg  by  Hans  Schoensperger,  1523  110 — 111 

21.  Decoration  at  the  end  of  the  second  part  of  Luther's 

Old   Testament    118—119 

22.  Title  page  of  Luther's   first   edition  of  the   entire 

Bible   126—127 

23.  Title  page  of  the  first  evangelical  hymn  book 134 — 135 

24.  Catechism-tablet  in  Low-German,  1529  138—139 

25.  Two  pages  from  the  third  Wittenberg  book  edition 

of  the  Small  Catechism,  1529 142—143 

26.  Title  page  of  Luther's  Small  Catechism  and  title 

page  to  the  Ten  Commandments   146 — 147 

27.  Title  page  of  the  first  edition  of  Luther's  Large 
Catechism,  Wittenberg,  1529   154—155 


THIRTY -FIVE  YEARS  OF 
LUTHER  RESEARCH 


I.   FACTORS  WHICH  BROUGHT  ABOUT  A 
NEW  PERIOD  IN  LUTHER  RESEARCH 

In  connection  with  the  preparation  for  the  celebration 
of  the  four  hundredth  anniversary  of  Luther's  birth  there 
began  in  the  early  eighties  a  period  of  research  into  the 
life  of  the  great  reformer  which  continues  even  today. 
In  point  of  thoroughness,  unflagging  zeal,  comprehen- 
sive and  scientific  character,  this  period  has  outdistanced 
every  previous  effort  in  the  same  direction. 

This  can  hardly  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  Lutheran 
theology  and  learning  possesses  an  inherent  instinct  to 
investigate,  an  instinct  that  may  lie  dormant  at  times, 
only  ever  to  be  revived  to  greater  action.  A  revival  of 
this  nature  generally  responds  either  to  the  intensifica- 
tion of  the  Christian  life  or  to  external  conditions.  The 
first  can  hardly  be  assumed  at  that  time,  and  as  for  the 
second,  it  is  just  these  external  conditions  that  we  have 
to  consider.  Even  the  anniversary  of  Luther's  birth 
and  the  preparation  for  the  coming  jubilee  of  1917  do 
not  fully  explain  it.  Otherwise  the  research  into  the  life 
of  Luther  would  have  been  marked  by  a  similar  intensity 
during  the  period  from  1783  to  181 7.  We  shall  hardly 
go  amiss  if  we  assume  that  there  were  primarily  two 
factors,  working  hand  in  hand,  which  made  possible  this 
period  and  gave  it  its  singular  character. 


2  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

In  the  first  place,  entirely  new  methods  and  principles 
of  research  had  been  established  in  the  study  of  history. 
Historians  were  no  longer  content  to  develop  the  com- 
monly accepted  data  into  ingenious  treaties  with  special 
reference  to  their  philosophical  aspect,  according  to  the 
ideas  of  Hegel  and  others.  Instead,  they  sought  to  come 
nearer  to  the  truth  of  things.  Patiently  and  minutely  they 
examined  all  authentic  sources  that  came  into  considera- 
tion, seeking  to  establish  the  factors  and  conditions  that 
brought  about  the  results.  And  in  this  way,  piece  by 
piece,  they  resurrected  the  happenings  of  the  past  and 
their  causes,  without  burdening  them  with  additions  of 
their  own.  It  was  the  influence  of  Ranke's  school,  with  its 
analogue  in  the  Oxford  school  of  England,  which  origi- 
nated between  1870  and  1875,  and  whose  leaders,  Stubbs 
and  Creighton,  were  dependent  in  no  small  measure  on 
Ranke,  that  entirely  revised  the  study  of  history.^  The 
librarian  of  the  old  order  jealously  and  Argus-eyed  guard- 
ing his  treasures  that  no  one  might  so  much  as  glance  at 
them,  gave  way  to  the  librarian  of  the  new  order.  Not 
only  did  the  governments  gradually  grant  free  access  to 
the  written  treasures  of  the  past,  but,  at  least  in  Germany, 
their  use  was  made  so  easy  that  today  there  are  no  old 
sources  not  available  for  research.  In  Germany  espe- 
cially, the  government  decreed  that  henceforth  nothing 
in  the  libraries  and  archives  should  be  destroyed,  and 
these,  too,  since  the  Franco-Prussian  war,  were  much 
more  freely  supplied  with  the  necessary  funds.  More 
than  that,  in  the  town  halls  of  the  cities,  as  well  as  in  the 
parsonages  of  the  rural  districts,  the  government  aroused 
interest  and  sympathy  for  everything  connected  with  the 
past,  and  qualified  to  help  its  understanding.  It  was 
inevitable,   therefore,   that  this  new  mode  of    research 


Why  Nczv  Period  of  Luther  Research  3 

should  also  dominate  the  study  of  church  and  Reforma- 
tion history,  that  entirely  new  methods  be  created, 
hitherto  hidden  sources  brought  to  light,  and  radically 
new  goals  set. 

This  transplanting  of  the  methods  of  Ranke's  school 
into  the  field  of  church  history,  although  already  de- 
manded and  applied,  especially  by  Renter  in  Breslau  and 
Goettingen,  and  also  by  Kolde  in  Marburg  and  Erlangen,- 
gained  greater  momentum  since  the  beginning  of  the 
eighties.  It  was  a  stupendous  step  onward  and  not  only 
forced  the  older  church  historians  either  to  reform  their 
methods  or  be  dropped  by  the  wayside,  but  also  pos- 
sessed the  added  advantage,  that  church  history  gradually 
lost  its  isolated  position,  and  instead  of  being  regarded 
as  an  isolated  sphere  was  looked  upon  as  something  the 
understanding  of  which  is  only  complete  when  linked  with 
the  understanding  of  contemporaneous  events  in  secular 
history.  And  here  again  it  was  Kolde  who  grasped  this 
truth  more  clearly  than  any  one  else  and  helped  it  to  vic- 
tor)'.^ It  was  also  Kolde  who  proved  that  church  his- 
tory, even  if  placed  within  the  range  of  secular  history, 
does  not  lose  its  peculiar  purpose  and  identity,  nor  that 
an  impairment  in  any  manner  follows  therefrom. 

The  second  factor  was  this:  In  1877  there  appeared 
the  first  volume  of  the  voluminous  work  "Geschichte  des 
deutschen  Volkes  seit  dem  Ausgang  des  Mittelalters," 
by  Johann  Janssen,  professor  in  the  catholic  gymnasium 
of  Frankfurt  on  the  Main,  and  already  in  1886  the  fifth 
volume  of  this  history  was  finished.  In  Frankfurt  his- 
torical interests  had  always  been  cultivated.  It  had  been 
the  seat  of  the  "Monumenta  Germanise  Historica"  before 
these  were  transplanted  to  Berlin.  In  this  old  imperial 
city  the  Rankean  school  had  worked  like  a  leaven  among 


4  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

the  students  of  history.  Through  the  Protestant  city- 
librarian,  J.  F.  Boehmer,  a  very  able  man  in  historical 
research  work,  Janssen  was  drawn  into  this  circle. 
Janssen  then  flung  himself  with  the  greatest  of  zeal  upon 
the  deeper  study  of  the  written  and  printed  sources  deal- 
ing with  the  last  centuries  of  the  Middle  Ages,  contained 
in  the  valuable  archives  of  the  city.  Already  in  1863 
there  appeared,  as  the  result  of  this  study,  "Frankfurt's 
Reichscorrespondenz  nebst  verwandten  Aktenstuecken, 
1376-1519-"  Although  the  efficient  co-operation  of  a 
catholic  historian  in  the  effort  to  shed  more  light  upon 
the  last  centuries  of  the  Middle  Ages  was  highly  gratify- 
ing even  to  Protestants,  yet  the  publication  of  his  history 
of  the  German  people,  the  first  volume  of  which  appeared 
in  1877,  proved  a  blow  aimed  at  the  very  heart  of  Prot- 
estantism. In  this  work  Janssen  had  placed  his  extensive 
knowledge  of  the  religious  conditions  of  the  end  of  the 
Middle  Ages  into  the  service  or  subservience  of  the  proof 
that  the  church,  art,  and  science  enjoyed  a  period  of 
flourishing  growth  in  the  era  just  preceding  the  Reforma- 
tion, only  to  be  trampled  to  death  under  the  roughshod 
feet  of  Luther  and  his  followers.  The  volumes  follow- 
ing, with  their  characterization  of  Luther  and  the  Refor- 
mation, follow  the  same  methods  and  thoughts  employed 
in  the  first  volume. 

This  work — its  methods  and  main  conclusions  defended 
by  the  author  in  his  "An  meine  Kritiker,"  Freiburg,  1882, 
and  "Ein  zweites  Wort  an  meine  Kritiker,"  Freiburg, 
1883 — achieved  a  very  surprising  and  almost  unparalleled 
success ;  the  first  volume,  for  instance,  in  three  years 
was  printed  in  the  sixth  edition,  1883  in  the  eighth ;  the 
second  volume  was  printed  in  the  seventh  in  1882.  Today 
the  first  four  volumes,  which  have  been  continued  and 


ExPBOAiirAr  wnvs  cera  lvcae  occidvos 


A^'IDOOC 


Luther,  the  Augustinian. 

Copper  engraving  by  L.  Cranacli. 


Why  New  Period  of  Luther  Research  5 

edited  by  L.  Pastor,  have  appeared  in  not  less  than  twenty 
editions,  not  to  speak  of  the  different  translations  of  the 
work.*  The  simple  style,  the  seeming  thoroughness  and 
objectiveness,  with  which  Janssen  brings  a  wealth  of 
proof  from  the  sources  for  every,  often  even  the  most 
absurd  statement,  its  apparently  unbiased  tendencies,  its 
conclusions,  startling  for  the  Lutheran,  but  welcome  to 
the  Catholics,  its  introduction  into  a  hitherto  almost 
shamefully  neglected  but  important  and  new  field  of 
research,  all  of  this  together  with  the  malignant  zeal,  with 
which  all  Catholic  circles  spread  broadcast  this  produc- 
tion, explain  its  great  success.  G.  Bossert  (in  "Wuert- 
temberg  und  Janssen,"  Halle,  1884)  wrote  concerning  it: 
"Spread  broadcast  within  a  few  years  in  many  thousand 
copies,  this  work  has  not  only  found  zealous  readers 
among  the  militant  spirits  in  the  younger  generation  of 
the  Catholic  clergy ;  but  even  Catholic  laymen,  tempera- 
mentally far  cooler,  studied  it  with  a  devotion,  as  if  they 
had  found  in  it  the  long-lost  Gospel.  Yes,  strange  to 
say,  this  work  has  found  favor,  even  with  Protestants. 
Many  a  Protestant,  in  the  belief  that  Janssen  is  right, 
thinks  that  he  must  recast  his  judgment,  and  that  not  for 
the  better,  of  the  Reformation  and  the  reformers.  In 
the  press  and  in  public  gatherings  one  continually  meets 
with  opinions  of  Protestants  concerning  the  faith  of  their 
ancestors,  its  origin  and  its  influence  upon  the  life  of  the 
people,  upon  morals,  art,  and  economic  conditions, 
opinions  all  of  which  are  echoes  from  Janssen. 

It  can  be  readily  understood,  what  an  ascendency  this 
handy  reference  book,  with  its  smooth  diction,  its  daz- 
zling knowledge  of  literature  and  its  proud  claim  of  agree- 
ing with  the  old  sources,  must  have  gained  in  the  minds 
of  the  cultured  classes  of  today,  as  long  as  they  them- 


6  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

selves  do  not  possess  the  opportunity  for  closer  investi- 
gation."'' 

"The  militant  spirits  among  the  younger  generation," 
of  whom  mention  is  made  here,  diligently  copied  their 
master,  although  generally  their  writings  were  marked 
by  a  greater  flagrancy  and  carelessness,  so  that  between 
1880  and  1884  Germany  was  fairly  deluged  by  more  or 
less  skillful  libelous  writings  against  Luther  and  the 
Reformation,  until  finally,  in  1890,  P.  Majunke,  priest 
and  one-time  editor  of  the  Koelner  Volkszeitung  and  of 
the  Berlin  Germania,  reached  the  acme  in  absurdity  and 
malice  by  pronouncing  Luther  a  suicide.^  What  wonder, 
then,  that  men  began  to  study  the  history  of  the  Refor- 
mation, and  of  the  life  and  works  of  Luther  as  never 
before ;  that  the  old,  as  well  as  newly-established,  results 
of  learned  research,  were  made  accessible  to  the  cultured 
as  well  as  the  common  people  in  a  far  greater  measure 
than  ever  before?  Bossert,  whom  we  quoted  above,  con- 
tinues :  "The  time  demands  that  the  history  of  the 
Reformation  be  given  anew  to  the  Protestant  people  of 
Germany,  with  the  continual  proof  of  the  fallacies  con- 
tained in  Janssen's  work."  Already,  in  1882,  the 
"Verein  fuer  Reformationsgeschichte"  was  founded, 
which  announced  as  its  aim :  "To  make  more  accessible 
to  the  greater  public  the  positive  results  of  research  con- 
cerning the  origin  of  our  Protestant  Church,  the  per- 
sonalities and  facts  of  the  Reformation,  and  the  influence 
they  asserted  on  all  the  phases  of  the  life  of  the  people, 
so  that  through  a  direct  introduction  into  the  history  of 
our  Church  the  Protestant  consciousness  may  be  con- 
firmed and  strengthened"  (Par.  i  of  the  Statutes  of  the 
Society).  Up  to  the  present  day,  we  have  a  series  of 
more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty  numbers  bearing  the 


MARTINVS 


LVTHERVS 


Luther  in  the  year  1521. 
Copper  engraving  by  L.  Cranach. 


Why  Nezv  Period  of  Luther  Research  y 

title,  "Schriften  des  Vereins  fuer  Reformationsge- 
schichte,"  which  have  been  exceptionally  well  introduced 
by  Kolde's  w^riting,  "Luther  und  der  Reichstag  zu 
Worms,  1 521"  (Halle,  1883).  All  of  them  deal  directly 
with  Luther,  or  with  movements  caused  by  his  lifework. 

Janssen  gave  a  real  and  unmistakable  impetus  to  re- 
search work  on  Luther  among  men  of  learning.  Pre- 
pared to  work  in  a  scientific  manner  by  accepting  Ranke's 
methods  in  the  field  of  church  history,  they  were  forced 
by  Janssen  to  begin.  Added  to  this,  Janssen's  lifework 
not  only  was  taken  up  by  other  Catholic  theologians,  con- 
tinued and  its  scope  widened,'^  but  a  later  book  by  Denifle, 
"Luther  und  Luthertum  in  der  ersten  Entwicklung 
quellenmaessig  dargestellt"  (ist  vol.  ist  ed.  1904;  2nd 
vol.  ed.  by  A.  M.  Weiss,  1909),  also  raised  new  ques- 
tions and  demanded  a  more  thorough  study,  especially 
of  the  pre-Reformation  theology.  The  latest  Catholic 
work  on  Luther,  by  H.  Grisar  (Martin  Luther,  first  vol- 
ume: Luther's  Werden,  second  volume:  Auf  der  Hoehe 
des  Lebens,  191 1,  third  volume:  Am  Ende  der  Bahn, 
1912),  had  much  less  influence  on  Protestant  research 
into  the  life  of  Luther. 

Subordinated  to  these  two  main  factors,  there  are  hvo 
further  circumstances  that  were  of  material  assistance. 
In  the  first  place,  Protestant  theology  was  given  the  great 
book  on  Luther,  by  Julius  Koestlin:  "Martin  Luther; 
Sein  Leben  und  seine  Schriften,"  in  1875,  and  in  1883 
this  work  appeared  in  its  second  edition  vastly  improved. 
Koestlin  did  not  belong  to  the  Rankean  school.  He  was 
not  a  church  historian,  but  a  systematician.  He  did  not 
study  the  old  sources  in  the  manner  of  the  historians  of 
this  school,  when  he  began  his  work ;  and  even  later  he 
rarely  co-operated  in  the  search  for  new  material,  that 


8  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

was  being  conducted  in  the  archives.®  With  his  inherent 
thoroughness,  trustworthiness,  and  soberness  he  carefully 
examined  all  the  printed  material  accessible  to  him,  and 
in  the  spirit  of  true  criticism  and  ripe  judgment,  pains- 
takingly considering  and  even  presenting  the  leading 
thoughts  of  all  the  important  writings  of  Luther,  he 
molded  the  result  of  his  investigations  into  a  book,  that 
in  a  measure  never  accomplished  before  afforded  a  thor- 
oughly trustworthy  insight  into  the  development  of  the 
life  and  thoughts  of  the  reformer.  With  this  a  firm 
foundation  was  laid,  upon  which  all  further  research 
could  build.  It  even  incited  others  to  do  special  research 
in  this  or  that  direction. 

In  the  second  place,  just  at  the  beginning  of  the  period 
which  we  are  about  to  discuss,  the  Protestant  Church 
was  blessed  by  God  with  a  number  of  distinguished 
young  investigators  who  were  able  to  take  up  the  work 
anew  and  carry  it  on  to  a  successful  conclusion.  Among 
those  who  had  busied  themselves  in  the  past  two  decades 
with  thorough  studies  concerning  Luther  were  Karl 
Knaake  and  Ludwig  Enders,  who  were  still  in  the  height 
of  their  intellectual  ability.  As  a  candidate  for  the  min- 
istry already,  Knaake  had  entered  upon  this  field  of 
research  with  his  short  but  pertinent  writing,  "Luther's 
Anteil  an  der  Augsburger  Confession,"  against  Rueckert 
and  Heppe  (1863).  Then  he  began  to  edit  the  works  of 
Staupitz  (the  first  volume  and  only  one,  because  the  book 
found  no  subscribers,  appeared  in  1867).  Together 
with  Franz  von  Soden,  he  published  the  important  let- 
ter album  of  Christ.  Scheurl  of  Nuernberg  (1867  and 
1872).  In  his  "Jahrbuecher  des  deutschen  Reichs  und 
der  deutschen  Kirche  im  Zeitalter  der  Reformation" 
(1872),  which  expired  in  its  first  stages,  he  made  accessi- 


Why  New  Period  of  Luther  Research  g 

ble  Scheurl's  "Geschichtbuch  der  Christenheit  von  151 1 
bis  1521,"  also  a  number  of  documents  pertaining  to  the 
Diet  of  Augsburg  of  1518.  For  his  own  particular 
studies  he  collected  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  valuable 
collections  of  prints  from  the  sixteenth  century.  In  1876 
there  appeared  in  "Zeitschrift  fuer  lutherische  Theologie 
und  Kirche"  a  critical  review  of  more  than  forty  pages 
of  Koestlin's  "Martin  Luther,"  in  which  Knaake  proved 
himself  the  superior  of  Koestlin  in  the  matter  of  detail. 
Enders,  of  Oberrad,  near  Frankfurt  on  the  Main,  since 
1882  was  active  with  the  revision  of  the  Luther  edition 
of  Erlangen,  and  since  the  appearance  of  the  new  edi- 
tions of  "Vermischte  Predigten"  (1877)  had  revealed  a 
rare  knowledge  of  the  literature  of  this  age,  and  in  this 
edition  he  also  published  for  the  first  time  a  large  number 
of  hitherto  unknown  sermons  taken  from  a  valuable 
manuscript  at  Wolfenbuettel. 

At  this  time  other  promising  young  men  also  entered 
the  field.  Most  prominent  among  them  was  Theodor 
Kolde,  who  had  been  appointed  lecturer  in  Marburg  in 
1876,  and  had  then  followed  a  call  to  Erlangen  in  1881. 
Barely  twenty-four  years  of  age,  he  erected  a  memorial 
to  a  maternal  ancestor,  the  famous  Saxon  chancellor 
Brueck,  in  "Kanzler  Brueck  und  seine  Bedeutung  fuer 
die  Entwicklung  der  Reformation,"  in  "Zeitschrift  fuer 
historische  Theologie"  (1874)  ;  in  1876  he  discussed 
Luther's  position  over  against  Council  and  Church  until 
the  Diet  of  Worms  in  a  study  bearing  this  title.  Finally, 
in  1879  he  established  his  reputation  as  a  historian 
through  the  excellent  writing,  "Die  deutsche  Augustiner 
Kongregation  und  Johannes  von  Staupitz,"  a  rare  speci- 
men eruditionis,  in  which  he  strictly  applied  the  methods 
of  the  Rankean  school  and  in  careful  detail  set  forth 


10  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

many  facts,  hitherto  entirely  unknown.  No  less  an  au- 
thority than  Kawerau  as  late  as  1908  (Theologische 
Studien  und  Kritiken,  1908,  p.  343)  made  the  following 
comment  on  this  work :  "Kolde  has  been  the  first  one 
to  bring  into  the  light  of  history  the  order  to  which 
Luther  belonged,  in  view  of  its  inner  development  as  well 
as  of  its  propaganda  in  Germany,  in  view  of  its  theolog- 
ical tendencies  as  well  as  of  its  inner  strifes.  He  taught 
us  to  understand  a  Proles  and  a  Staupitz,  he  shed  light 
upon  the  inner  conflicts  of  the  German  congregation, 
which  resulted  in  Luther's  journey  to  Rome.  With  the 
aid  of  the  old  sources  he  made  us  understand  the  mon- 
astery life  of  which  Luther  was  a  part,  and  acquainted 
us  with  Luther's  activities  as  vicar  of  his  district.  He 
pointed  out  to  us  the  history  of  the  disbanding  of  a  great 
number  of  German  Augustine  monasteries,  due  to  the 
influence  of  Luther's  initiative."  In  1881  Kolde  followed 
his  former  writings  with  "Friederich  der  Weisse  und  die 
Anfange  der  Reformation;"  at  the  same  time  preparing 
himself  for  greater  things. 

Gustav  Kaiverau,  now  Probst,  member  of  the  higher 
consistory  in  Berlin,  like  Kolde,  Silesian  by  birth,  joined 
hands  with  Kolde  in  the  common  work.  While  still  a 
pastor  at  Klenzig,  he  published  in  1881  an  able  mono- 
graph on  John  Agricola,  of  Eisleben,  Luther's  well  known 
pupil,  who  already,  in  15 18,  published  Luther's  sermons 
on  Our  Lord's  Prayer  (Lent,  15 17).®  In  the  next  year 
already  Kawerau  followed  up  his  previous  writings  with 
"Kasper  Guettel,  ein  Lebensbild  aus  Luther's  Freundes- 
kreis."  The  third,  who  must  be  mentioned  in  this  con- 
nection was  Theodor  Brieger,  died  191 5  at  Leipzig,  like 
Kolde,  a  pupil  of  Renter,  during  the  latter's  period  in 
Greifswald.    Although  his  book,  "Gasparo  Contarini  und 


Luther  as  'Junker  Joerg',  December,  1521. 

Painting  liy  L.   Cranach. 


Why  Nezu  Period  of  Luther  Research  ii 

das  Regensburger  Konkordienwerk  des  Jahres  1541" 
(1870),  did  not  touch  the  research  work  on  Luther,  he 
ranked  first  among  the  historians  of  the  Reformation 
period. 

Another  pupil  of  Reuter,  afterward  at  Koenigsberg 
and  then  historian  at  Goettingen,  P.  Tschackert,  was  at 
this  time  assistant  professer  at  Halle.  G.  Biichzvald,  who 
later  made  a  name  for  himself  as  the  fortunate  discoverer 
of  many  manuscipts  concerning  Luther,  had  already  at 
this  time  betrayed  his  interest  in  the  research  work  on 
Luther  through  his  essay,  "Luther  und  die  Juden" 
(1881).  Even  Wilhelm  Walther,  of  Rostock,  at  the 
present  time  known  as  one  of  the  best  authorities  on 
Luther,  at  this  time  already  revealed  what  field  of  en- 
deavors he  was  eventually  to  enter,  for  the  theme  "Luther 
und  Rom,"  which  since  1883  was  so  masterfully  treated 
by  him,  had  already  received  its  first  attention  through  his 
lengthy  essay,  "Die  Fruechte  der  Roemischen  Beichte" 
(reprinted  in  "W.  Walther,  Zur  Wertung  der  Reforma- 
tion" 1909,  pp.   14-75). 

Knaake,  Enders,  Kolde,  Kawerau,  Brieger,  Tschackert, 
Buchwald,  Walther,  the  constellation  around  Koestlin, 
constituted  an  able  group  of  excellently  trained  historical 
investigators,  fully  qualified  to  investigate  Luther's  life 
and  theology  according  to  the  principles  of  Ranke's 
school,  successfully  to  cope  with  Janssen's  caricatures, 
and  thus  to  place  before  the  eyes  of  the  Protestant  Church 
an  undistorted,  truthful  picture  of  the  great  reformer. 


II.    FIELDS  IN  WHICH  NEW  MATERIAL  WAS 
DISCOVERED 

Thus  with  the  year  1883  there  began  an  industrious 
research  in  archives  and  Hbraries,  confined  not  only  to 
Germany,  for  old  printed  writings  of  Luther,  and  for 
such  manuscripts  that  might  shed  light  upon  his  life  and 
work.  Here  also  Kolde  must  first  be  mentioned.  For, 
whereas,  those  who  were  fortunate  enough  to  discover 
many  relics  of  Luther  by  chance,  as,  for  example,  Buch- 
wald,  or  those  who  were  aided  in  an  extraordinary  meas- 
ure by  the  State,  or  through  the  arrangement  of  libraries 
and  archives  meanwhile  much  improved,  as,  for  exam- 
ple, Albrecht,  Kolde  undertook  extended  journeys  at  his 
own  expense  to  collect  material  from  the  archives  for  a 
new  biography  of  Luther.  As  a  result  of  these  journeys 
he  introduced  the  public  for  the  first  time  to  many 
archives  which  were  important  in  themselves,  and  in 
their  relation  to  the  research  work  on  Luther.  Then  he 
published  his  discoveries  in  his  "Analecta  Lutherana," 
which  appeared  in  1883,  and  in  which  he  not  only  pointed 
out  new  paths  for  further  investigation,  but  also  aroused 
widespread  interest  in  it.^°  However,  in  this  part  of  our 
essay  we  shall  treat  of  a  dififerent  thing.  By  means  of  a 
comprehensive  survey,  we  shall  concern  ourselves  with 
those  phases  of  Luther's  life  and  activities,  concerning 
which  new  manuscripts  have  been  discovered  in  the  last 
thirty-five  years. 

To  be  considered  in  the  first  place  is  such  material 
which  sheds  light  upon  his  religious  and  theological  devel- 

12 


New  Material  Discovered  13 

opment  up  until  151 7,  when  he  posted  his  ninety-five 
theses.  It  was  of  no  small  value,  when  Buchwald  dis- 
covered various  printed  matter  that  had  belonged  to 
Luther  in  the  library  of  the  "Ratschule"  at  Zwickau, 
and  which  often  contained  comments  written  by  Luther 
himself.  Such  comments  were  written  on  the  margin 
of  writings  of  Augustine,  1503,  the  Sententise  of  Petrus 
Lombardus,  1510-1511,  the  sermons  of  Tauler,  possibly 
1 5 16,  the  works  of  Anselm  of  Canterbury,  and  Tritheim 
(born  1462,  died  1516),  151 3- 151 6.  Since  1893  these 
comments  may  be  found  in  the  ninth  volume  of  the 
Weimar  Luther  edition  (pp.  2-1 14).  It  was  of  greatest 
importance  that  Kawerau,  by  means  of  the  Dresden 
Manuscript  found  by  Franz  Schnorr  v.  Carolsfeld,  and 
too  literally  rendered  in  Seidemann's  publication  of  1876, 
and  by  means  of  the  Wolfenbuettel  manuscript,  which 
Walch  had  already  copied  and  published  in  an  altogether 
deficient  German  translation,  created  a  very  trustworthy 
text  of  Luther's  lectures  in  the  monastery,  1513-1516, 
on  the  Psalms,  "Dictata  super  Psalterium"  (see  third 
and  fourth  volumes  of  the  Weimar  edition). 

The  same  importance,  however,  cannot  be  attached  to 
a  copy  of  Luther's  lecture  on  the  Book  of  Judges  from 
the  year  15 16,  which  Buchwald  found  in  Zwickau; 
although  among  other  things  this  copy  contains  some 
excellent  directions  for  the  basis  and  aim  of  the  truly 
evangelical  sermon.  Thus  we  read,  for  example :  "Holy 
Scriptures  alone  are  the  criterion  according  to  which 
everything  must  be  weighed  and  evaluated  whether  it  is 
right  or  wrong,"  or  "Sinners  can  only  be  directed  to 
Christ,  for  from  sin  we  can  only  be  freed  by  Christ ;" 
or,  "Pray  to  God  incessantly,  that  we  may  have  sanctified 
teachers  who  know  the  way  of  truth  and  who  can  preach 


14  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

us  Christ  and  His  Cross."  In  1884  Buchwald  published 
this  lecture  separately  with  an  introduction  by  Koestlin. 
For  the  Weimar  edition  Kawerau  supplied  the 
text  (Vol.  IV,  pp.  527-586). — Thanks  are  also  due  to 
Buchwald  that  a  number  of  Luther's  sermons,  from  1514- 
15 17,  hitherto  unknown,  found  in  copies  at  Zwickau,  were 
brought  to  light.  They  are  now  to  be  found  in  the 
Weimar  edition,  fourth  volume,  p.  587  ff. 

The  most  important  find,  however,  was  made  in  1899 
by  John  Ficker,  of  Strassburg,  through  the  aid  of  his 
friend  and  pupil.  Dr.  H.  Vopel,  who  worked  in  the 
Vatican  Library  at  Rome,  for  he  discovered  in  the 
"Palatina"^^  a  manuscript  containing  Luther's  com- 
mentary on  Romans  from  1 515- 15 16.  Entrusted  by  the 
Weimar  Luther  Commission  with  the  publication  of  this, 
he  found  in  a  showcase  of  the  Royal  Library  of  Berlin 
Luther's  original  handwriting  of  this  commentary,  which 
had  been  kept  here  for  a  long  time,  and  in  some  curious 
manner  was  never  used  by  any  one.^^  It  was  known  of 
what  importance  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  had  always 
been  to  Luther,  and  that  especially  Romans  I,  16-17, 
played  a  large  role  in  his  pre-Reformation  development, 
but  as  to  details  there  was  complete  groping  in  the  dark.^^ 
Because  the  taking  over  of  this  newly  found  commentary 
into  the  Weimar  edition  necessitated  further  preliminary 
work,  Ficker  decided  on  an  earlier  edition,  which  ap- 
peared in  1908  with  Dietrich  (Th.  Weicher)  in  Leipzig, 
as  the  first  volume  of  "Anfaenge  Reformatorischer  Bibel- 
auslegung,"  to  the  great  joy  of  all  researchers  on  Luther. 
It  comprised  two  parts,  the  first  containing  the  "Glosse" 
(Glossae),  the  second  the  "Scholien"  (Scholiae). 
Through  it  we  are  not  only  well  informed,  in  confirma- 
tion of  what  Oldecop,  one  of  Luther's  hearers  at  the  time, 


New  Material  Discovered  15 

has  told  U3  (Koestlin-Kawerau  I,  p.  106),  concerning 
the  methods  used  in  exegetical  lectures  of  that  time,  but 
we  watch  the  inner  man  of  the  Reformer  develop  in  an 
astonishing  manner.  Especially  in  the  "Scholien"  we  see 
the  lightning  flashes  of  the  great  themes  of  the  following 
years  much  more  frequently  and  distinctly  than  in  the 
lectures  on  the  Psalms.  In  the  "Palatina"  Ficker  also 
found  a  copy  of  Luther's  expositions  on  the  Epistles  to 
the  Hebrews  which  Luther  had  treated  in  lectures  (1517). 
At  Elberfield  there  is  also  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Kraflft 
a  manuscript  containing  the  expositions  of  Galatians, 
begun  by  Luther  October  26,  15 16.  This,  however,  is  not 
identical  with  the  printed  commentary  on  Galatians  of 
1 5 19.  It  is  to  be  lamented  that  both  of  these  are  as  yet 
not  published,  and  that  the  exposition  of  the  Epistle  to 
Titus,  which  belongs  in  this  collection,  is  not  yet  dis- 
covered.^* 

Concerning  the  methods  used  in  these  exegetical  lectures  of 
Luther  we  can  say  the  following,  thanks  to  these  discoveries : 
Luther  had  the  respective  biblical  book,  which  he  was  about  to 
explain,  printed  as  a  separate  book  for  himself  and  his  audiences- 
its  lines  widely  separated  and  its  margins  very  broad  (the  text 
used  was  that  of  the  Vulgata).  Between  the  lines  and  on  the 
margin  there  was  room  for  all  kinds  of  comments.  "These 
explanatory  comments,"  says  Ficker,  "that  briefly  give  the  mean- 
ing of  the  words  and  the  intention  of  the  text  are  according  to 
the  medieval  habit  either  interlinear  or  marginal.  The  comments 
placed  above  the  individual  words  give  in  the  shortest  form  the 
explanation  of  the  word  and  connect  in  strictly  logical  fashion 
words  and  phrases.  Whereas  in  the  marginal  explanation  such 
notes  are  given  that  pertain  to  the  strictly  linguistic,  more  than 
that,  to  the  sense  and  the  context,  to  the  ultimate  proofs  of  the 
word-explanation :  proofs,  explanatory,  circumscribed,  religious 
and  ethical,  historical  and  literary  notes  and  references  to  con- 
temporaneous history  are  found  here."  To  be  distinguished 
from  these  two  kinds  of  "Glossen"  are  the  "Scholien."     These 


1 6  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

are  longer  and  are  attached  to  the  explained  texts  co-ordinately. 
Ficker  remarks :  "These  'Scholien'  of  the  'Magister'  are,  as  a 
rule,  not  intended  as  explanations  for  the  individual  phrases ;  in 
arbitrary  manner  they  are  based  on  one  passage  and  ignore  the 
other,  and  they  do  not  always  adhere  strictly  to  the  sequences 
of  the  verses.  Their  object  lies  more  in  the  representation  of 
the  main  thoughts,  and  they  are  more  examining  and  systematical. 
Here  was — also  in  this  respect  Luther  had  his  predecessors — the 
place  for  mental  excursions,  which  he  used  at  the  same  time  for 
clear  definitions  of  the  basic  problems  of  religion  and  for  argu- 
ments with  his  opponents,  or  which,  through  the  strength  of  his 
ethical  energy,  he  used  for  practical  explanations  and  uses  of  the 
scriptural  truth.  Sometimes  they  reach  out  far,  and  later  on  they 
concern  themselves  more  and  more  with  contemporaneous  his- 
tory." Combining  "Glossen"  and  "Scholien"  Luther  created  the 
text  which  he  gave  in  his  lectures  to  the  students. 

Nev^  material  from  the  years  following  this  period  has 
made  us  better  acquainted  with  seven  fields  of  endeavor 
in  Luther's  work :  his  exegetical  lectures,  his  own  debates, 
his  translation  work  of  the  Bible,  his  homiletical  and 
catechetical  endeavors,  his  large  correspondence,  and  his 
table-talks. 

Of  his  exegetical  lectures  we  now  know  the  follow- 
ing, either  for  the  first  time  or  in  their  revised  text: 
Operationes  in  Psalmos  of  1519-1521  (Weim.  ed.  vol. 
V)  ;  the  Lectures  on  Deuteronomy  of  1523-1524  (Wei. 
ed.  vol.  14)  ;  Prselectiones  in  Prophetas  minores  of  1524- 
1526  (Wei.  ed.  vol.  13)  ;  Lectures  on  Ecclesiastes  of  1526 
(Wei.  ed.  vol.  20)  ;  Lectures  on  First  Epistle  of  St.  John 
of  1527  (Wei.  ed.  vol.  20)  ;  Declainationes  in  Genesin 
of  1527  (Weim.  ed.  vol.  24)  ;  Lectures  on  Epistles  to 
Titus  and  Philemon  of  1527  (Wei.  ed.  vol.  25)  ;  Lectures 
onTsaiah  of  1527-1530  (Wei.  ed.  vols.  25;  31,  2)  ;  Lec- 
tures on  First  Epistle  to  Timothy  of  1528  and  Lectures 
on  Song  of  Solomon  of  1530  (Wei.  ed.  vol.  31,  3)  ;  Lee- 


New  Material  Discovered  17 

tures  on  Galatians  of  1531  (Wei.  ed.  vol.  40,  i)  ;  Anno- 
tationes  in  aliquot  capita  Matthaei  of  1536  (Wei.  ed.  vol. 
38)  ;  Lectures  on  Genesis  of  1 534-1 545  (Wei.  ed.  vols. 
42-44).  Then  there  are  the  expositions  of  single  Psalms 
(for  ex.,  no,  68,  118,  119,  etc.),  of  different  biblical  pas- 
sages (for  ex.,  Magnificat,  Isaiah  9,  Isaiah  53,  Ezekiel 
38-39,  Daniel  12,  I  Kings  7,  etc.)  and  explanations  of 
entire  biblical  books  in  the  German  language  (I  Peter  of 
1523,  II  Peter  and  Jude  of  1 523-1 524,  Jonah  and  Hab- 
bakuk  of  1526,  Zechariah  of  1527,  etc.)  which  from  the 
very  first  were  meant  for  wider  circles.  The  publication 
of  these  lectures,  in  as  much  as  they  were  completed  by 
means  of  the  manuscripts,  do  not  only  enable  us  to  form 
a  more  clean-cut  conception  of  Luther  in  the  midst  of 
his  academical  activities,  but  they  also  put  us  in  a  posi- 
tion to  compare  that  which  he  dictated  to  his  audience 
with  the  form  in  which  some  of  these  lectures  were  pub- 
lished by  his  pupils. 

A  hitherto  almost  unknown  province  in  the  work  of 
Luther  were  the  debates  which  he  arranged  while  pro- 
fessor at  Wittenberg.  Kawerau  writes  on  this  as  fol- 
lows :  "We  were  acquainted  with  the  theses  which  he 
prepared  for  these  debates  (for  ex.  Wei.  ed.  vol.  9),  but 
concerning  the  course  they  took,  we  had  only  a  fragment 
given  us  by  Valentine  Loescher  and  a  complete  copy  of 
one  debate  from  the  year  1644,  which  Mollenhauer  in  1880 
extracted  from  a  manuscript  at  Dorpat."  We  are  in- 
debted to  the  early  deceased  Paul  Drews, ^^  who  by  dint 
of  tiresome  investigations  in  manuscripts  at  Muenchen 
and  Wolfenbuettel  discovered  much  new  material  for 
this  branch  of  Luther's  activity,  so  that  in  1895  he  could 
give  us  copies  of  twenty-four  debates  from  the  years 
1535-45,  among  which  was  such  an  important  one  as  the 


i8  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

debate  with  Agricola  and  against  the  antinomistic  doc- 
trine he  advocated. 

Concerning  Luther's  homiletical  work  it  can  be  said 
that,  thanks  especially  to  G.  Buchwald's  happy  discov- 
eries, a  huge  mass  of  manuscripts  consisting  of  copies 
of  Luther's  sermons  has  been  piled  up.  Buchwald^®  al- 
ready in  1884  has  given  us  the  sermons  which  Luther 
preached  at  Koburg  in  1530,  and  in  1884-1885  the  ser- 
mons from  the  year  1528,  1529  and  1537.  Then  in  1888 
eleven  sermons  from  1539,  and  finally  in  1905  those  from 
1 537-1 540,  as  Aurifaber  had  them,  from  a  manuscript 
in  Heidelberg.  In  the  Weimar  edition  there  are  22  large 
volumes  filled  solely  with  sermons,  and  in  10  further 
volumes  sermons  constitute  more  or  less  the  bulk  of 
their  contents.  It  is  wonderful  how  in  these  Luther 
gradually  assumes  gigantic  proportions  as  a  preacher. 
On  the  other  hand,  we  may  also  say  with  Kawerau  that 
the  copies  of  these  sermons,  with  their  promiscuous  use 
of  the  German  and  Latin — a  defect  due  to  the  scribes — 
and  with  their  abbreviations  and  unsatisfactory  refer- 
ences, do  not  make  the  best  of  reading.  One  can  also 
readily  admit  that  the  loss  would  not  have  been  unsus- 
tainable, if  some  of  these  copies  had  perished.  But, 
because  most  of  the  sermons,  given  into  print  by  the 
hands  of  his  pupils,  show  a  much  revised  form,  it  is  of 
great  value  that,  through  these  copies,  we  approach  very 
closely  to  the  sermons  just  as  Luther  spoke  them.  They 
also  contain  many  a  helpful  hint  concerning  contempo- 
raneous history  and  personal  reminiscences  of  Luther. 

We  are  now  also  enabled  to  see  more  clearly  into 
Luther's  catechetical  zvork.  It  was  Buchwald  again 
who  made  accessible  a  multitude  of  manuscripts  pertain- 
ing to  this  field.    It  is  of  special  note  that  he  published 


Luther  as  'Junker  Joerg',  1522. 
A  Woodcut  hi'  L.  Cranach. 


New  Material  Discovered  19 

for  the  first  time  the  three  series  of  catechism-sermons 
of  1529,  which  constituted  the  foundation  for  what  today 
we  call  the  Larger  Catechism.  More  particulars  con- 
cerning this  in  the  fourth  part  of  this  essay. 

We  always  knew  what  great  care  Luther  devoted  to 
the  translation  of  the  Bible,  concerning  not  only  the  prep- 
aration of  the  first  editions,  but  also  the  revisions  of  the 
later  ones.  But  since  Thiele  and  Pietsch  have  published 
Luther's  own  manuscripts  of  his  translations,  we  clearly 
see  his  first  rendition  and  all  the  corrections  he  made  as  a 
result  of  further  reflection.  The  third  volume  of  the 
"Deutsche  Bibel,"  being  a  part  of  the  Weimar  Luther 
edition,  even  contains  the  minutes  of  what  we  would  call 
the  Committee  on  Bible  Revision. 

Not  a  little  was  accomplished  in  these  thirty-five  years 
in  the  way  of  discovering  letters  from  the  pen  of  Luther. 
The  principal  ones  were  already  collected  and  edited  by 
De  Wette  in  five  volumes  (Berlin,  1825-1828).  To  these 
Seidemann  in  1856  added  the  sixth  volume,  which  brovight 
to  light  a  multitude  of  hitherto  overlooked  or  unknown 
letters ;  this,  together  with  his  addition  of  an  index  and 
many  erudite  notes,  made  the  production  doubly  useful. 
After  Seidemann  in  1859  ^^^^  published  another  volume 
of  Luther's  letters,  and  especially  since  the  Director  of 
Archives  at  Weimar,  Burckhardt,  had  brought  out  his 
valuable  "Luther's  Korrespondenz"  in  1866,  in  which  he 
attempted  for  the  first  time  to  collect  even  the  letters 
addressed  to  Luther,  it  seemed,  as  if  it  were  now  only 
possible  to  collect  stray  letters. here  and  there.  Never- 
theless, Kolde  in  1883,  in  his  already  mentioned  "Ana- 
lecta  Lutherana"  offered  a  surprisingly  great  number  of 
unknown  Luther  letters,  and  each  of  the  following  years 
added  a  few  more.     Kawerau  counted  ninety  numbers 


20  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

for  the  period  between  1883  and  1908  (Theol.  Studien 
und  Kritiken,  1908,  p.  354),  exclusive  of  the  thirty  let- 
ters which  the  aged  Burckhardt  contributed  to  the 
"Archiv  fuer  Reformationsgeschichte,"  volume  IV,  pp. 
184  ff.,  and  the  new  material  in  Enders',  shortly  to  be 
mentioned,  "Luther's  Korrespondenz."  In  the  year  1913 
P.  Flemming  contributed  five  unknown  letters  from  the 
Roerer  manuscript  at  Jena  (Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1913, 
p.  288  ff.).  O.  Clemen  published  another  unknown  let- 
ter of  Luther  to  Gabriel  Zwilling  from  1526  (Zeitschr. 
f.  Kirchengesch.,  vol.  34,  pp.  93  ff.),  while  O.  Albrecht 
already  in  1907  in  "Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.,"  pp.  564  ff.,  had 
made  an  investigation  concerning  the  collection  of  Luther 
letters  by  Michael  Stiefel. 

In  1884  Enders  took  up  anew  the  plan  of  Burckhardt, 
and  contributed  to  the  Luther  edition  of  Erlangen  the 
part  entitled  "Luther's  Korrespondenz."  With  this  he 
accomplished  a  stupendous  piece  of  work.  Ten  volumes 
were  completed,  when  death,  in  1906,  claimed  this  unas- 
suming man  and  thorough  student  of  Luther,  a  man  who 
was  ever  ready  to  assist,  as  we  can  vouch  for  from  our 
own  experience.  Kawerau  followed  up  with  the  eleventh 
volume,  edited  according  to  the  principles  laid  down  by 
Enders ;  a  little  later  on  he  published  the  twelfth  to 
fourteenth  volumes,  so  that  soon  the  entire  work  will 
be  completed.  Kawerau  was  exactly  the  right  man  to 
continue  the  work  of  Enders,  not  only  because  he  had 
published  in  1884  and  1885  the  letters  of  Justus  Jonas, 
but  because,  together  with  Kolde  he  must  be  reckoned 
as  the  most  thorough  and  all-sided  student  of  the  history 
of  the  Reformation  that  the  Church  possessed  in  these 
thirty-five  years.  He  proved  this  not  only  through  his 
excellent  "Geschichte  der  Reformation  und  Gegenrefor- 


New  Material  Discovered  21 

niation"  (third  volume  of  "Lehrbuch  der  Kirchenge- 
schichte,"  by  W.  Aloeller),  but  also  through  the  great 
number  of  his  instructive  articles  on  the  different  char- 
acters of  the  Reformation  in  Hauck's  "Real-Enzyklo- 
paedie,"  and  through  his  far-reaching  collaboration  in  the 
Luther  edition  of  Weimar.  Because  the  German  letters 
of  Luther,  which  had  been  taken  into  "Luther's  Korre- 
spondenz"  (Luther  edition  of  Erlangen,  volumes  53-56), 
could  not  be  included  again  in  this  work,  and  because  the 
first  volumes  of  "Luther's  Korrespondenz,"  notwithstand- 
ing its  many  supplements,  are  nevertheless  incomplete,  it 
will  devolve  upon  the  Weimar  edition  to  offer  a  final 
edition  of  Luther's  letters. 

In  the  meantime,  alongside  of  the  endeavors  of  Enders 
and  Kawerau,  the  21st  volume  of  the  St.  Louis  Luther 
edition  (St.  Louis,  Mo.,  1903-1904)  with  its  German 
translation  of  the  Latin  by  A.  F.  Hoppe,  renders  satis- 
factory service.  By  dint  of  Enders  and  Kawerau  there 
appeared  "Luther's  Correspondence  and  other  contem- 
porary letters"  translated  and  edited  by  Preserved  Smith 
(volume  I,  1507-1521,  Philadelphia,  1913),  who  had 
already  in  his  "Life  and  Letters  of  Martin  Luther" 
(1911)  30  letters  of  Luther  translated  into  English.  The 
readers  will  in  all  likelihood  be  acquainted  with  "Letters 
of  Martin  Luther,"  by  Margaret  A.  Currie,  published  in 
New  York  in  1908.  Professor  Dau,  of  St.  Louis,  has  also 
translated  a  number  of  Luther  letters  for  the  Theolog- 
ical Quarterly,  of  which  he  is  editor.  Without  much 
merit  are  T.  H.  Lachmann's  "Technische  Studien  zu 
Luther's  Briefen  an  Friederich  den  Weisen"  (Leipzig, 
Voightlaender,  191 3). 

Much  has  been  done  in  our  period  in  the  way  of  uncov- 
ering the  table-talk  of  Luther.    Before  1883  there  existed 


22  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

only  three  works  having  any  bearing  on  this,  the  collec- 
tion of  Foerstemann-Bindseil,  Bindseil's  Latin  work,  and 
a  very  valuable  publication  of  Seidemann.^^  Foerste- 
mann-Bindseil does  not  make  one  directly  acquainted 
with  the  original  table-talk,  for  it  only  offers  a  pains- 
taking reprint  of  Aurifaber's  collection  of  1566,  con- 
tinually compared  with  other  collections.  It  is,  therefore, 
only  a  secondary  or  tertiary  source  of  the  table-talks.^* 
The  collection  of  Lauterbach,  edited  by  Bindseil  in  Latin 
in  1863  ff.  contains  more  original  material.  Yet  even 
this  was  not  of  first  hand,  and  was  built  up  on  different 
foundations.  Entirely  different  was  the  manner  in  which 
one  became  acquainted  with  the  original  form  of  table- 
talks  through  Seidemann's  publication.  This  is  a  real 
day-book.  It  begins  with  the  ist  of  January  and  con- 
cludes with  the  25th  of  December  of  the  same  year. 
Almost  day  for  day,  Lauterbach  had  jotted  down  his 
notes,  partly  in  German,  partly  in  Latin,  just  which  lan- 
guage happened  to  be  used  at  the  table  at  the  time  of  the 
conversation.  In  further  searches,  Seidemann,  who  was 
a  veritable  genius  in  this,  found  a  great  deal  of  new 
unprinted  material.  Not  only  did  he  discover  some  new 
notes  of  Lauterbach,  but  also  a  diary  of  Veit  Dietrich, 
Luther's  intimate  companion  for  many  years,  and  a  col- 
lection that  very  likely  belonged  to  the  papers  left  by 
Johann  Matthesius,  pastor  of  Joachims.thal.  Added  to 
that,  he  found  different  collections  of  secondary  value, 
however.  Yet  even  these  contained  many  new  things 
and  stood  closer  to  the  original  than  the  collections  of 
Aurifaber  and  Rebenstock.^*  Before  Seidemann  could 
publish  all  his  finds,  he  died.  So  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  our 
period  to  accomplish  important  things  in  this  direction, 
for  not  only  was  the  result  of  Seidemann's  researches  to 


jMUflfffjfll'llll'  I  lll|  llll1lll|i||)Blll|l]fTff«»»=^yi»»«>»l>iU^^ 


.^''    '  -      ■■      M     D  ■  X*  y  III,  /q    I,   Ml -^ 

•  Luther  in  the  year  1523. 

Copper   engraving    hy    Daniel    Hnpfcr. 


New  Material  Discovered  23 

be  edited,  but  the  task  remained  to  search  farther  for 
material  that  might  still  be  accessible. 

The  latter  was  done  first,  and  with  good  success. 
H.  Wrampelmeyer  found  a  collection  of  notes  from  the 
pen  of  Luther's  friend  and  companion  Conrad  Cordatus, 
in  Zellerfeld,  and  published  it  in  1885.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  the  title  of  his  publication^''  is  very  misleading,  for 
according  to  it  one  expects  to  find  just  as  trustworthy 
and  original  notes  of  Luther's  table-talks  for  the  year 
1537,  as  one  does  for  the  year  1538  in  Lauterbach's  diary. 
But  this  is  by  no  means  the  case.  Cordatus,  who  since 
1532  was  pastor  at  Niemeck,  near  Belzig,  and,  therefore, 
fully  three  German  miles  from  Wittenberg,  could  hardly 
have  kept  a  daybook  on  the  table-talks  of  Luther,  as 
often  as  he  may  have  come  to  Wittenberg,  and  as  faith- 
fully as  he  probably  recorded  everything  he  heard  Luther 
mention  across  the  table.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  this  col- 
lection of  Cordatus  only  in  one  part  contains  notes  by 
Cordatus  himself ;  the  other  part  consists  of  copies, 
extractions,  as  reviews  from  the  notes  of  other  table 
companions;  these  again  do  not  all  date  back  to  1537, 
but  really  to  an  earlier  year.  Cordatus  concluded  his 
collection  in  1537.""  At  that,  Cordatus  was  inclined  to 
be  brief  and  to  condense  everything,  so  that,  as  a  rule, 
we  have  mere  excerpts  from  him  instead  of  literal  rendi- 
tion. 

We  must,  therefore,  rank  the  publication  that  the  mem- 
ber of  the  higher  consistory  at  Muenchen,  Preger,  gave 
us  three  years  later  far  higher  as  a  true  source. ^^  For 
here  we  have,  thanks  to  Preger's  care  in  the  matter  of 
handling  the  text,  a  truly,  and  in  every  respect,  chrono- 
logically arranged,  continual  series  of  conversations  from 
the  end  of  the  year  1531  until  late  fall  of  1532.     Four 


24  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

years  later,  a  publication  by  Georg  Loesche  appeared^" 
that  has  further  enriched  our  knowledge  of  Luther's 
table-talk.  Using  Seidemann's  handwritings,  he  pub- 
lished a  manuscript  from  Nuernberg,  which,  though  indi- 
rectly, is  traceable  to  Johann  Matthesius.  But  this  lost 
a  good  deal  of  its  value,  when,  ten  years  later,  Ernst 
Kroker  in  a  manuscript  at  Leipzig  found  trustworthier 
reproductions  of  the  notes  of  Matthesius,  the  most  im- 
portant parts  of  which  he  published  in  1903.^^  How  much 
had  already  been  accomplished  through  these  findings, 
and  how  much  closer  the  actual  table-talk  had  been 
brought  us !  And  since  the  endeavors  of  Seidemann  sev- 
eral other  written  collections  were  found,  especially  the 
one  in  Veit  Dietrich's  own  handwriting.  Even  Wram- 
pelmeyer  contributed  another  part  out  of  a  manuscript, 
that  is  traceable  back  to  Cordatus,  and  is  now  kept  at  the 
Royal  Library  at  Berlin   (1905).^* 

Not  only  was  it  deemed  satisfactory  to  make  all  these 
sources  accessible  through  publication,  but  it  was  also 
made  the  beginning  of  submitting  them  to  critical  exami- 
nation. Preger  especially  proved  himself  a  very  keen- 
witted critic  in  the  introduction  to  his  publication  of  the 
notes  of  Schaginhaufen,  mentioned  above.  But  more 
than  others,  Wilhelm  Meyer-^  busied  himself  with  this 
object  in  a  special  investigation  (1896).  He  shed  light 
especially  on  the  work  Lauterbach  performed  in  arrang- 
ing and  grouping  the  table-talks. 

In  America  Preserved  Smith^^  acquainted  different 
circles  with  the  questions  connected  with  Luther's  table- 
talk,  through  his  critical  study.  New  York,  1907. 

In  the  last  decade,  commissioned  by  the  committee  for 
the  Luther  edition  of  Weimar,  Ernst  Kroker  devoted 
himself  to  an  intensive  and  critical  study  of  the  manu- 


New  Material  Discovered  25 

scripts  at  hand.  At  three  different  times  (1908,  1910, 
191 1 )  he  dwelt  upon  the  subject  in  the  "Archiv  fuer 
Reformationsgeschichte."  In  these  essays  he  points  out 
the  relations  existing  between  the  collection  of  table-talks 
of  George  Roerer  and  those  traceable  back  to  Matthesius, 
the  relation  existing  between  Roerer  and  Schlaginhaufen, 
and  finally  that  between  Roerer  and  Veit  Dietrich.  All 
of  this  collected  material,  equipped  with  excellent  intro- 
ductions, is  made  easily  accessible  to  every  one  in  the 
edition  of  Weimar  by  Kroker  since  1912.  The  first 
volume  offers  the  notes  of  Veit  Dietrich  (pp.  1-308  with 
app.,  pp.  309-330),  also  the  collection  of  Veit  Dietrich 
und  Nicolaus  Medler  (pp.  331-614),  the  second  volume, 
the  notes  of  Schlaginhaufen  (pp.  1-252)  the  collection 
of  L.  Rabe  (pp.  253-272),  and  the  first  part  of  Cordatus' 
collection  (pp.  273-672).  The  coming  volumes  will  in- 
clude the  last  part  of  this  collection,  notes  of  Weller  and 
Lauterbach  of  the  years  1536  and  1537,  Lauterbach's 
diary  for  1538  and  the  one  for  1539,  finally  the  conversa- 
tions for  the  year  1 540  as  written  by  Matthesius,  and  the 
other  collections  of  the  forties.  The  conclusion  will  con- 
sist in  the  publication  of  the  undated  table-talks.  The 
last  volume  is  to  explain  the  origin  of  Lauterbach's  and 
Aurifaber's  large  collections.  An  alphabetically  arranged 
index  of  the  individual  conversations  and  a  complete 
index  of  the  names  and  events  will  facilitate  the  ready 
use  of  these  volumes.  A  large  series  of  volumes  will  be 
necessary  to  complete  this  gigantic  task,  but  then  a  foun- 
dation will  be  laid  upon  which  all  further  attempts  in  this 
direction  can  be  built.  Then  also  can  it  be  ascertained 
how  much  of  the  offensive  and  vulgar,  which  Roman 
Catholic  writers  seem  to  find  in  the  table-talks,  is  really 
to  be  attributed  to  Luther,  and  in  what  connection  these 


26  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

outspoken  statements  were  made.  So  it  is  already  proven 
that  the  saying:  "Wer  nicht  liebt  Wein,  Weib  und 
Gesang,  der  bleibt  ein  Narr  sein  Leban  lang"  is  not  to 
be  traced  to  Luther,  but  is  of  Itahan  origin.  In  short, 
when  their  pubHcation  in  the  Weimar  edition  has  been 
completed  these  table-talks  for  their  greater  part  will 
only  afford  a  true  estimate  of  Luther's  personality. 

An  attempt,  well  worthy  of  mention,  was  made  by 
Kawerau  in  the  Braunschweig-Berlin  edition  of  Luther 
(vol.  VIII,  pp.  105-308)  to  create  a  "Life  of  Luther  as 
told  by  Himself,"  by  taking  Luther's  memoirs,  as  they 
were  contained  in  the  table-talks,  and  linking  them  with 
the  events  of  his  life.  It  is  to  be  lamented,  however, 
that  in  this  case  Kawerau  could  only  consider  the  German 
text  of  Aurifaber's  collection.  Preserved  Smith  and 
H.  B.  Gallinger  did  the  same,  at  least  in  the  first  part  of 
their  choice  collection  of  table-talks,  1916.  But  their  col- 
lection had  the  benefit  of  the  newer  publications  in  this 
subject.  It  is  based  especially  on  the  conversations,  as 
they  are  published  by  Kroker  and  in  the  Weimar  edition, 
and  so  has  entirely  supplanted  the  old  English  edition  by 
W.  Hazlitt,  which  since  1848  has  been  often  reprinted. 
By  means  of  a  good  introduction  they  also  prepare  their 
readers  for  the  reading  of  the  table-talk.  A  good  intro- 
duction into  the  table-talks,  intended  for  the  common 
people,  is  the  booklet  by  K.  Bauer,  "An  Luther's  Tisch" 
(191 1 ).  Like  Smith  and  Gallinger,  he  assembles  in  it 
at  first  the  home  and  table  companions  of  Luther,  then 
gives  biographical  sketches  of  them,  discusses  the  sub- 
ject of  the  conversations  and  the  handing-down  of  the 
table-talk.  At  last  on  the  strength  of  systematically 
grouped  selections  it  forms  an  estimate  of  Luther's  per- 
sonality. 


Luther  in  the  year  1525. 

Painting  bv  Cranach. 


III.     NEW   EDITIONS   OF   LUTHER'S  WORKS 

It  was  of  the  greatest  importance,  when  in  1883  the 
Prussian  secretary  of  the  interior  allowed  himself  to  be 
influenced  by  Koestlin  and  others,  to  guarantee  the  means 
necessary  for  a  new  critical  edition  of  Luther's  works, 
and  to  entrust  its  leadership  to  the  already  mentioned 
Knaake,  who  was  to  work  in  connection  with  a  special 
commission  created  for  this  purpose.  Even  though  at 
that  time  no  one  had  a  true  conception  of  the  wealth  of 
material  that  has  been  discovered  in  the  course  of  time, 
yet,  now  a  storehouse  was  held  in  readiness  for  all  new 
findings,  and  the  possibility  that  the  work  would  remain 
uncompleted  through  lack  of  funds  was  ruled  out.  It 
will  ever  remain  a  splendid  page  in  the  history  of  the 
House  of  Hohenzollern  that  it  called  upon  students  of 
theology,  history  and  German  culture  and  supported  so 
generously  their  united  endeavors  toward  completing  a 
national  edition  of  Luther  that  was  commensurate  with 
his  importance.  And  it  was  a  true  sign  of  the  religious 
as  well  as  of  the  national  bent  of  mind  that  prompted 
church  and  science,  city  and  nobility,  authorities  and 
individuals  to  stand  together  and  guarantee  the  produc- 
tion and  sale  of  this  work.  In  the  proclamation  of  1883 
it  was  said : 

"The  great  national  memorial  whose  early  stages  should  adorn 
the  coming  fete  day  can  not  be  what  it  should  be  unless  all  of 
Protestant  Germany  cheerfully  does  its  part.  The  word  of  the 
'greatest  man  of  the  people,  the  most  popular  character  Germany 
ever  possessed,'-"^  as  one  of  the  famous  men  in  Germany  once 

27 


28  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

called  Luther,  can  not  only  appear  before  the  nation  in  all  its 
monumental  greatness,  it  must,  like  once  when  it  set  aflame  the 
hearts  of  all  the  people,  be  heard  by  and  become  the  warp  and 
woof  of  the  people.  The  new  complete  edition  of  Luther's  works 
must  be  accorded  a  reception  among  the  German  people  that  is 
in  proportion  to  its  work.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  German  Church 
and  German  Science  and  of  her  highest  dignitaries  and  her  best 
representatives,  to  grasp  the  importance  of  this  edition  fully  and 
wherever  possible  to  endorse  it  warmly  to  others.  It  is  the  duty 
of  Protestant  princes  and  the  German  government  to  supply  the 
means,  so  that  this  complete  edition  will  never  be  absent  in  those 
places  where  the  treasures  of  German  literature  and  science  are 
collected  and  kept.  It  is  the  duty  of  all  protestant  cities  and  of 
their  authorities  to  arrange  it  so  that  the  writings  of  Luther  in 
their  original  form  are  made  accessible  to  every  class.  It  is  the 
duty  of  that  Christian  nobility  of  the  German  nation,  that  Luther 
once  called  to  his  aid  in  his  reformatory  labors,  to  accord  its 
practical  co-operation  to  this  national  memorial.  It  is  the  duty 
of  all  the  friends  of  German  language  and  German  literature,  of 
German  culture  and  German  thought,  to  work  everywhere  for 
the  spread  of  these  works  of  Luther,  that  will  always  remain  the 
emblem  of  the  German  spirit." 

This  proclamation  was  not  in  vain,  as  the  ever-increas- 
ing number  of  subscriptions  testified.  The  edition  has 
been  called  the  "Weimar  Luther  Edition/'  because  it  was 
printed  by  Herman  Boehlau  at  Weimar.  Or,  it  has  been 
called  the  "Kaiser  Edition,"  because  the  German  Em- 
peror sponsored  the  undertaking  from  the  very  start. 
Today  52  parts  of  it  are  complete  in  60  volumes,  to  which 
must  be  added  the  volumes  containing  the  German  Bible 
and  the  table-talk  (at  present  five  volumes),  which  are 
counted  separately.  It  is  not  free  from  errors,  and  at 
different  times  the  controlling  spirits  did  not  prove  them- 
selves above  bias,  but,  taken  all  in  all,  it  marks  the  com- 
pletion of  a  stupendous  piece  of  work,  commensurate 
with  the  period  of  the  most  intensive  research  in  the  life 


New  Editions  of  Luther's  Works  29 

of  Luther  and  certainly  its  pinnacle  of  achievement. 
Much  was  also  accomplished  here  in  the  way  of  printing, 
something  which  only  he  can  appreciate  who  knows  a  lit- 
tle of  the  typographical  difficulties  in  connection  with  a 
work  of  this  kind,  and  who,  like  the  writer  of  this,  has 
had  an  opportunity  to  look  into  the  different  phases  of 
the  proof  sheets. ^^  At  the  head  of  this  undertaking  at 
first  stood  Knaake,  then  Pietsch,  and  at  the  present  time 
Drescher,  all  of  whom  were  subordinated  to  the  greater 
commission.  Among  the  collaborators  I  shall  name 
Kawerau,  Walther,  Buchwald,  Cohrs,  Albrecht,  N.  Muel- 
ler, J.  Ficker,  Thiele,  Koffmane,  Kroker  and  Brenner. 
After  the  appearance  of  every  single  volume  Kolde  wrote 
a  valuable  and  thoroughly  critical  review  in  the  "Goet- 
tinger  Gelehrte  Anzeigen."  Brieger,  of  Leipzig,  did  the 
same  for  a  number  of  years  in  "Zeitschrift  fuer  Kirch- 
engeschichte."  The  researches,  especially  in  regard  to 
the  volume  containing  the  catechisms,  extended  far  be- 
yond the  limits  of  Germany. 

Beginning  with  1883  editions  have  also  been  pub- 
lished to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  cultured  home, 
for  the  great  critical  Weimar  edition  can  never  be  com- 
mon property,  for  the  reason  that  it  is  too  voluminous 
and  expensive,  and  because  of  its  entire  arrangement.  I 
shall  only  direct  attention  to  the  three  volumes,  "Luther 
als  ein  Klassiker"  (Frankfurt,  1883),  to  the  three  small 
volumes,  "Martin  Luther  ausgewaehlt  und  erlaeutert 
durch  R.  Neubauer"  (Halle,  1903),  to  the  volume 
"Luther's  Werke,  ausgewaehlt  fuer  das  Volk  und  her- 
ausgegeben  von  J.  Boehmer"  (Stuttgart,  1907).  All  of 
these  are  excelled  by  an  edition  of  Luther,  undertaken 
by  Buchwald,  Kawerau,  Koestlin,  Rade,  Schneider  and 
others,  printed  by  C.  A.  Schwetschkc  und  Sohn  in  Braun- 


30  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

schweig  (later  in  Berlin,  therefore  generally  called  the 
Berlin-,  formerly  the  Braunschweig-edition),  a  work 
that  at  the  present  time  is  in  its  second  stereotype  edition. 
Its  introduction  takes  special  cognizance  of  the  situation, 
as  created  by  Janssen.  Here  we  read :  "Today  it  is  be- 
ing attempted  not  to  cause  external  strife  among  the 
German  people,  but  internal.  With  a  dazzling  show  of 
scientific  research,  the  ground  is  being  undermined,  from 
which  every  German  hitherto  drew  his  nourishment.  The 
attempt  is  being  made  to  draw  down  into  the  mire  the 
men  and  their  intellectual  works  for  which  other  nations 
envy  us.  But,  you  German  people,  will  not  allow  your- 
self to  be  robbed  of  them,  as  long  as  you  understand 
them  ;  you  will  understand  them  as  long  as  you  read  them  ; 
you  will  read  them  as  long  as  you  retain  the  freedom  that 
Luther  pried  loose  for  you."  This  edition  completely 
deserves  the  widespread  recognition  it  has  received.  It 
offers  the  Latin  writings  in  a  good  German  translation, 
gives  short  historical  introductions,  contains  explanatory 
notes,  and  represents,  especially  since  two  volumes  have 
been  added  containing  the  two  writings,  "De  Votis 
Monasticis"  and  "De  Servo  Arbitrio,"  a  selection  through 
which  one  may  actully  learn  to  know  Luther  as  he  lived. 
Above  all  things,  no  German  Lutheran  parsonage  in 
America,  if  it  holds  no  larger  edition,  should  do  without 
the  services  of  this  selection. 

It  is  by  no  means  to  be  considered  as  a  competitory 
undertaking,  when  that  careful  investigator  of  Luther, 
Otto  Clemen,  who  since  1896  through  articles  con- 
cerning the  different  phases  of  the  life  and  work  of 
Luther,  steadily  was  making  a  reputation  for  himself, 
published  a  new  edition  of  selected  works  of  Luther  by 
Marcus  and  Weber  at  Bonn  since  1912.     By  reason  of 


New  Editions  of  Lather's  Works  31 

the  circumstance,  that  it  contents  itself  with  four  vol- 
umes (however,  a  fifth  volume  is  planned  as  a  comple- 
ment), and  that  it  reproduces  the  original  form  of  the 
writings,  even  in  regard  to  the  spelling,  punctuation  and 
form  of  type,  it  has  become  an  edition  for  students  that 
satisfied  a  long  felt  want.  In  the  reproduction  of  the 
texts  and  in  its  concise  introductions  it  is  sometimes  even 
more  correct  than  the  edition  of  Weimar  (at  least  as  far 
as  the  first  volumes  of  this  work  are  concerned).  Neither 
is  the  selection  published  at  Muenchen,  which  is  still  in 
the  first  stages  of  its  making,  strictly  speaking,  a  com- 
petitory  undertaking.  It  is  since  1914  edited  by  H.  H. 
Borcherdt,  under  the  collaboration  of  Barge,  Buchwald, 
Kalkoff,  Schumann,  Stammler  and  Thode,  and  is  intro- 
duced by  Thode's  separate  essay,  "Luther  und  die 
deutsche  Kultur"  (Muenchen  1914).  It  wishes  to  place 
the  emphasis  upon  the  writings  that  are  of  value  to  his- 
tory in  general,  and  to  history  of  culture,  and  offers  many 
illustrations.  From  the  fifteen  volumes,  according  to 
the  plan  of  its  editors,  we  have  the  second  before  us.  It 
contains  the  principal  writings  of  1520  and  in  its  most 
excellent  introduction  of  one  hundred  and  eighty-six 
pages  a  fine  description  of  the  procedure  of  Rome  against 
Luther  up  to  1520  from  the  pen  of  that  thorough  student, 
Kalkoff. 

In  America  the  thanks  of  the  church  is  due  to  the 
Synod  of  Missouri  for  the  fact  that  it  has  undertaken  and 
successfully  completed  an  edition  of  Luther's  works. 
Since  the  Pastoral  Conference  of  the  Western  District 
of  this  Synod  decided  in  1879  to  undertake  a  republica- 
tion of  the  old  Luther-edition  of  Walch,  this  work  be- 
gan. Anno  1 880- 1 88 1  the  first  two  volumes  put  in  their 
appearance.     Only  later  on  it  became  apparent  what  a 


32  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

mighty  undertaking  had  been  attempted.  For  the  antiqu- 
ated Walch-edition  did  not  only  need  to  be  reprinted,  but 
its  German  vokmies  had  to  be  compared  with  the  original, 
its  Latin  volumes  had  to  be  newly  translated  for  the 
greater  part,  and  all  of  the  introductory  paragraphs  had 
to  be  remolded  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  day.  Since  1885  Prof.  R.  F.  Hoppe  devoted 
his  entire  time  and  energy  to  this  undertaking.  Easter 
19 10  he  wrote  the  preface  to  the  last,  the  twenty-third, 
volume,  which  contains  the  valuable  "Hauptsachregis- 
ter,"  also  the  index  for  sayings,  together  with  corrections 
and  appendices. 

This  edition  should  be  prized  more  highly  in  our  land 
than  is  generally  the  case.  True,  it  does  not  meet  the  re- 
quirements of  a  learned  Luther-scholar,  but  at  the  same 
time  what  an  accomplishment  the  translations  reveal ! 
For  example,  Kawerau  has  the  following  to  say  concern- 
ing Hoppe's  translations  of  the  Latin  letters :  *T  have 
examined  a  part  of  the  newly  translated  letters  of  Luther, 
and  have  fouud  them  almost  always  reproduced  in  faith- 
ful and  trustworthy  manner,  even  there  where  difificulties 
were  to  be  overcome."  (Studien  und  Kritiken,  1908,  p. 
336).  Hoppe's  work  concerning  the  table-talk  (vol.  22) 
especially  has  been  widely  recognized.  As  late  as  1906 
Tschackert  said :  "The  best  edition,  until  now,  the  one 
of  Foerstemann  and  Bindseil,  is  far  excelled  in  point  of 
critical  selection  and  careful  use  of  the  known  sources 
(i.  e.,  published  sources,  for  the  manuscripts  were  inac- 
cessible to  Hoppe)  by  the  work  of  Prof.  Hoppe  in  the 
renewed  edition  of  Walch"  (Kurtz,  Lehrbuch  der  Kirch- 
engeschichte,  Leipzig,  1906).  Even  if  the  following 
statement  of  Kroker  (Weimar  edition,  Table-Talk,  vol.  2, 
p.  32)  must  be  restricted  by  the  fact  that  Hoppe  (fol- 


Neiv  Editions  of  Luther's  Works  33 

lowing  the  lead  of  Wrampelmeyer)  allowed  himself  to  be 
deceived  in  his  estimation  of  Cordatus'  collection,  it  is 
still  of  importance  what  Kroker  did  say,  after  Hauss- 
leiter  before  in  the  "Theol.  Literaturblatt'  had  laid  spe- 
cial emphasis  on  his  demand  for  a  recognition  of  Hoppe's 
accomplishment:  "But  the  translations  are  so  excellent 
that  one  can  only  lament  the  fact  that  the  rejuvenated 
Walch  could  not  translate  Dietrich's  notes,  Schlagin- 
haufen's  book,  Lauterbach's  diary  for  1539,  the  Matthe- 
sian  collection  of  1530  and  other  notes  in  the  same  man- 
ner (like  the  collection  of  Cordatus  and  Lauterbach's 
diary  for  1538)  ;  among  the  footnotes  also  are  several 
propositions,  well  worthy  of  mention,  for  improvement 
of  the  text." 

The  English-speaking  branch  of  the  American  Luth- 
eran Church  also  busied  itself  with  the  works  of  Luther. 
First  of  all  Dr.  Lenkcr,  who  devoted  his  entire  time, 
strength,  tireless  energy,  and  burning  zeal  to  the  great 
task  of  offering  Luther  in  the  English  language,  must  be 
mentioned.  To  date  fourteen  volumes  of  the  Standard 
Edition  of  Luther's  works,  edited  by  him,  with  the  col- 
laboration of  others  have  appeared — J.  Schaller  of  the 
Synodical  Conference,  Gohdes  of  the  Ohio  Synod,  and 
Voigt  of  the  United  Synod  of  the  South  are  especially  to 
be  mentioned  in  this  connection.  These  volumes  com- 
prise :  two  volumes  of  the  commentary  for  Genesis,  two 
volumes  of  explanation  of  the  Psalms,  one  volume  on 
the  Epistle  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Jude,  one  volume  of 
catechetical  writings,  five  volumes  of  sermons  on  the 
Gospels  (Kirchenpostille),  and  three  volumes  of  sermons 
on  the  Epistles.  Lenker's  interest  was  mainly  practical. 
It  was  his  aim  to  bring  out  the  hidden  treasures  of 
Luther  pre-eminently  useful   for  the  practical   side   of 


34  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

the  ministry.  It  was  his  aim  that  the  Lutheran  exegete, 
preacher,  and  catechete  avaihng  himself  of  the  EngHsh 
language  as  a  medium  would  be  kept  within  sane  con- 
fines through  the  study  of  Luther,  and  that  our  English- 
speaking  Lutherans  would  have  sane  and  edifying  read- 
ing matter.  And,  indeed,  this  is  an  aim  worthy  of  the 
highest  endeavor.  It  is  an  entirely  different  question, 
whether  this  work  is  well  planned,  whether  it  is  placed  on 
a  scientifically  satisfactory  basis,  and  whether  it  is  har- 
moniously executed.  But  even  if  this  work  lacks  in  many 
directions,  the  Lutheran  Church  in  America  still  owes 
Lenker  a  great  debt  for  his  labors. 

On  account  of  these  wants,  it  is  to  be  welcomed  with 
great  joy  that  five  members  of  the  Pennsylvania  Minis- 
terium  (C.  M.  Jacobs,  A.  T.  W.  Steinhaeuser,  W.  A. 
Lambert,  J.  J.  Schindel,  and  A.  Steimle)  have  united  for 
a  new  attempt.  In  those  volumes,  "Works  of  Martin 
Luther  with  introductions  and  notes"  (first  volume  ap- 
peared in  April,  191 5),  published  by  A.  J.  Holman  Com- 
pany at  Philadelphia,  we  find  an  accomplishment,  well 
worthy  of  mention  and  excellently  considered  in  all  its 
aspects.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  it  generally  fol- 
lows the  Braunschweig-Berlin  edition,  a  decided  improve- 
ment over  this  edition  is  to  be  noted  in  this,  that  it  has 
elected  to  give  the  different  writings  in  their  chronolog- 
ical, instead  of  their  systematic,  order.  Only  in  this 
manner  the  gradual  development  of  Luther's  personality 
and  of  his  conception  of  the  truth  will  be  understood. 
The  texts,  which  the  translators  used,  are,  thanks  to 
the  reproduction  in  the  edition  of  Weimar  and  the  appear- 
ance of  Clemen's  edition,  far  more  trustworthy  than 
those  of  the  Braunschweig-Berlin  edition  The  transla- 
tions are  good,  without  being  too  literal.     The  introduc- 


Luther  in  the  year  1526. 
Painting  l)y   Cranach. 


New  Editions  of  Luther's  Works  35 

tions,  and  notations  and  literary  notes,  are  correct  and 
satisfactory.  There  only  remains  the  wish  that  these 
volumes  will  find  a  ready  sale  and  will  be  really  studied. 
They  should  receive  the  place  of  honor  in  every  parson- 
age of  our  English-speaking  Church  and  should  not  be 
missed  in  any  city  library.  The  preface  of  the  Braun- 
schweig-Berlin edition  concludes  with  the  following 
words :  "Thus  we  have  undertaken  in  common  labor, 
German  people,  to  place  your  Luther  into  your  hands, 
so  that  you  might  learn  to  know,  prize  and  love  him ;  so 
that  you  may  take  inspiration  from  his  writings,  that  are 
imbued  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  to  keep  the  faith,  children, 
even  as  your  forefathers  kept  the  faith,  when  you  hear 
the  great  hero  of  the  faith  speak  of  those  things  that 
made  him  strong  and  fearless.  Learn  to  know  your 
Luther,  not  covered  with  political  halo,  not  the  command- 
ing figure,  hewn  out  of  solid  granite,  but  Luther  as  he 
worked  and  lived,  in  his  greatness  and  in  his  weakness, 
in  his  zealousness  and  in  his  overzealousness,  in  his  wis- 
dom and  his  abruptness.  Thus  allow  his  word  to  touch 
you,  if  it  admonishes  you  and  urges  you  on,  if  it  strikes 
you  and  raises  you,  if  it  shows  you  the  reflection  of  your- 
self, as  you  once  were,  as  you  are  now,  and  how  you 
shall  be,  if  you  but  remain  true  to  your  German  mind  and 
German  nature."  If  you  substitute  the  word  "Lutheran" 
for  the  word  "German,"  it  will  also  serve  literally  for  this 
new  English  edition  of  Luther. 


IV.     RESEARCHES  ON  PARTICULAR  PHASES 
OF  THE  LIFE  AND  THEOLOGY 
OF  LUTHER 

In  as  much  as  we  are  about  to  make  mention  of  those 
valuable  individual  investigations  which  have  been  made 
during  the  last  thirty-five  years  in  the  life  and  theology 
of  Luther,  we  shall  name  them  in  their  chronological 
sequence,  and  the  career  of  the  Reformer  will  furnish  us 
with  the  links  that  will  connect  the  one  with  the  other, 

1.     Luther's  Youth 

Luther  at  all  times  held  his  father  in  high  regard. 
The  life  of  Luther's  father,  in  spite  of  many  investiga- 
tions, has  always  been  unclear  in  many  respects.  Catho- 
lic writers  sometimes  even  portrayed  it  as  possessing 
flagrantly  immoral  propensities.  W.  Moellenberg^® 
therefore  in  1906,  after  carefully  examining  the  papers 
of  the  Mansfeld  mine  at  Eisleben  and  the  council 
minutes  of  the  city  of  Mansfeld,  which  are  now  in 
Magdeburg,  shed  new  light  on  the  life  and  doings  of 
Hans  Luther,  especially  on  his  possessions  and  his  trade, 
so  that  we  now  are  much  better  acquainted  with  his  grad- 
ually increasing  wealth  and  prominence.  That  the  maiden 
name  of  Luther's  Mother  was  not  Lindemann  as  we  still 
sometimes  read  owing  to  a  statement  of  Rector  Schneide- 
win  of  Wittenberg  to  that  effect,  but  rather  Ziegler, 
Knaake  proved  in  a  lengthy  article  in  "Theologische 
Studien  und  Kritiken"  (1881).  When  Hans  Luther's 
son  Martin  was  born,  whether  in  1482  (according  to  a 

36 


Luther's  Youth  37 

bronze  tablet  on  Luther's  grave,  which,  allowing  Luther 
sixty-three  years,  two  months  and  ten  days,  points  to  the 
seventh  of  December,  1482)  or  1484  (as  Melanchthon 
would  have  it),  or  1483,  is  something  that  can  not  be  as- 
certained beyond  doubt,  as  is  generally  conceded. 
G.  Oergel  (1889)  put  in  a  plea  again  for  1482,  and  was 
inclined  to  accept  the  seventh  of  December  as  the  birth- 
day of  the  Reformer.^"  However,  Drews  points  out 
that  Luther  himself,  in  a  letter  of  the  sixth  of  Decem- 
ber, 1532,  mentions  that  he  celebrates  his  birthday  on  St. 
Martin's  day,  and  Kawerau,  through  an  article  in  the 
"Neue  Kirchliche  Zeitschrift,"  seems  almost  to  prove 
beyond  doubt  that  Luther  was  born  in  1483,  notwith- 
standing Luther  said  himself  as  late  as  spring,  1543, 
"nullus  est  certiis  de  nativitatis  tempore,  for  Philippiis  et 
ego  are  one  year  apart  in  our  vieivs."  (Kroker,  Luther's 
Tischreden,  1903,  no.  625.) 

Since  1497  Luther  attended  school  in  Magdeburg  and 
Eisleben.  If  one  desires  to  know  something  of  the 
knowledge  purveyed  to  him  at  this  time,  he  must  acquaint 
himself  with  the  writings  of  Kaemmel,  Mueller,  Knepper, 
Schmid  and  Bauch.^^  Concerning  the  "Brethren  of  the 
common  life"  (also  called  "Nullbrueder"),  to  which  or- 
der his  teachers  in  Magdeburg  belonged,  one  may  be  ex- 
cellently informed  by  L.  Schulze's  article  in  Hauck's 
"Real  Enzyclopaedie,"  III,  pp.  474-507,  together  with 
its  lengthy  supplements  in  Volume  XXIII,  pp.  260-269. 
Schoengen  in  his  book,  "Die  Schule  von  Zwolle"  (Frei- 
burg, 1898),  deals  especially  with  the  schools  of  this  or- 
der. We  also  direct  attention,  as  far  as  Luther's  school 
years  at  Mansfeld,  Magdeburg  and  Eisenach  are  con- 
cerned, to  the  first  volume  of  O.  Scheel's  work,  "Martin 
Luther.     Vom  Katholicismus  zur  Reformation"    (Tue- 


38  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

bingen,  1916),  in  which,  by  means  of  the  school  statutes 
of  the  late  Middle  Ages,  the  teaching  and  the  learning  in 
the  preparatory  schools  of  the  universities  is  minutely 
described,  although  here  the  error  is  also  made  that  the 
author  in  unwarranted  and  arbitrary  fashion  pictures  the 
conditions  better  than  they  in  reality  were.  E.  Schneide- 
wind,  1883,  in  his  booklet,  "Das  Lutherhaus  in  Eisenach," 
offers  much  concerning  the  Cotta  family,  that  so  gener- 
ously welcomed  Luther  into  its  midst.  Buchwald  also 
gives  a  happy  account  of  Luther's  stay  here.^^ 

2.     Luther  at  the  University 

In  the  summer  of  1501  Luther  matriculated  at  the 
University  of  Erfurt.  Today  we  have  a  much  truer  and 
detailed  conception  of  the  conditions  prevailing  at  Erfurt 
at  that  time,  and  of  its  teachers  than  the  one  obtained 
through  F.  W.  Kampschulte's  "Die  Universitaet  Erfurt 
in  ihrem  Verhaeltnis  zu  deni  Humanismus  und  der  Re- 
formation" (1858  and  i860),  which,  however,  is  still 
worthy  of  notice  today.  This  change  was  primarily 
brought  about  by  Oergel,  Kolde,  Bauch,  Hermelink  and 
Scheel.^^  Hermelink  has  taught  us  better  to  understand 
the  teaching  of  the  Humanists,  which  naturalized  itself 
also  in  Erfurt.  He  pointed  out,  above  all  things,  that 
it  was  by  no  means  an  offshoot  of  the  Italian  Renaissance 
movement,  but,  on  the  contrary  a  relatively  independent 
reform  endeavor  on  German  soil,  which,  although  desir- 
ing to  be  unhampered  by  the  guardianship  of  the  clergy, 
still  remained  entirely  within  the  pale  of  the  Mediaeval 
Age,  and  was  in  nowise  modernly  pagan  and  materialist- 
ically inclined.  With  these  Humanists  Luther  could  be 
related  and  yet  remain  a  Catholic. 

Hermelink  has  also  made  us  better  acquainted  with 


Luther  in  the  year  1533. 
Painting  by   Cranach. 


Luther  at  the  University  39 

the  theological  and  philosophical  teachers  of  Luther, 
Jodocus  Trutvetter  and  Bartholomaeus  Arnoldi  of  Usin- 
gen,^*  and  through  them  with  the  theology  that  was 
taught  Luther.  He  locates  them  as  Occamists,  whose 
leader  at  this  time  was  Gabriel  Biel  in  Tuebingen, ''■'''  and 
whose  philosophy  they  represented.  It  was  known  as 
the  via  modcrna.  Thanks  to  Hermelink,  we  are  also  in 
a  position  better  to.  understand  these  German  Occamists, 
and  through  this  Luther's  own  development,  in  as  much 
as  he  proves  that  their  teaching  was  in  nowise  identical 
with  Nominalism.  "It  did  not  deny  that  the  genera  and 
the  intelligible  cosmos  were  realities  or  entities.  It  was 
much  rather  by  nature  methodical  and  'erkenntnis- 
theoretisch.'  It  attempted  in  critical  spirit  to  distinguish 
between  the  province  of  faith  and  the  province  of  science 
by  means  of  a  grammatical-terministic  logic,  derived 
from  stoic  influences,  in  order  to  make  place  for  a  theol- 
ogy that  was  both  positivistic  and  Christian,  respectively 
ecclesiastical.  Thus,  instead  of  being  the  opposite  of 
realistic  ontology,  it  was  merely  a  theory  about  the  way 
of  theological  thinking,  which  linked  itself  everywhere 
with  the  Platonic-realistic  metaphysic."  Of  the  text- 
books that  formed  the  basis  for  study  in  the  university 
especial  mention  must  be  made  of  those  named  by  Ficker 
in  his  edition  of  Luther's  commentary  on  Romans  (pp. 
civ),  to  wit,  those  by  Trutvetter:  Breviarium  dialecticum, 
Erphordiae  1500;  Summulae  totius  logicae,  Erphordiae 
1 501  (Summa  in  totam  physicen,  Erph.  1514)  ;  those  by 
Usingen:  Compendium  totius  logicae,  Lipsiae  1500;  Par- 
vulus  philosophiae  naturalis,  figuralis  interpretatio  in 
epitomam  philosophiae  naturalis,  editio  secunda,  Basiliae 
151 1.  Scheel  has  even  found  manuscripts  in  the  libraries 
of  Stuttgart  and  Munich  that  contain  a  great  share  of 


40  Thirty -Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

the  lectures  Luther  attended  as  a  student  and  baccalaureus 
artium  at  Erfurt,  so  that  at  last  a  much  more  trustworthy 
and  plastic  conception  of  his  university  work  can  be  ar- 
rived at  than  before. 

Kolde  has  shed  light  upon  all  the  different  phases  of 
the  religious  life  in  Erfurt.  Especially  did  he  throw 
the  searchlight  on  the  preaching  at  Erfurt  when  he  made 
us  better  acquainted  with  the  sermons  on  indulgences 
and  other  subjects  by  the  Augustinian  Genser  (or  Jenser) 
of  Paltz,  and  when  he  published  from  a  manuscript  a  ser- 
mon Genser  preached  at  the  beginning  of  a  semester  at 
the  university  in  October,  1482.  We  are  now  able  to 
appreciate  what  Luther  said  later  on,  although  sermons 
were  regularly  and  often  heard  in  Erfurt,  that  during 
his  stay  he  had  never  heard  a  Christian  sermon. 

3.     Luther  Enters  the  Monastery 

Oergel  has  shed  more  light  on  the  circumstances  con- 
nected with  Luther's  entrance  into  the  monastery,  when 
he  tells  how  during  the  year  of  1505  the  university  was 
visited  by  quite  a  number  of  dire  happenings.  He  tells 
how  suddenly  a  classmate  of  Luther  died  of  pleurisy; 
how  just  at  this  time  the  plague  and  spotted  fever  made 
many  victims  at  Erfurt,  so  that  during  the  summer  a 
panic  occurred  among  the  students.  All  this  helps  to 
explain  why  just  at  this  time  the  serious  thoughts  of 
death  and  judgment  tormented  the  soul  of  Luther,  even 
though  the  principal  motive  of  his  entrance  into  the 
monastery  always  remained  the  inner  restlessness  and 
desire  for  salvation,  of  which  Hermelink  excellently  says 
that  the  western  church  always  kept  this  restlessness  and 
desire  present,  nurturing  the  same  for  pedagogical  rea- 
sons and  at  the  same  time  satisfying  it. 


Luther  Enters  Monastery  41 

The  monastery  which  Luther  entered  belonged  to  that 
division  of  the  Augustinian  order  called  "Observantes." 
Kolde's  already  mentioned  writing  concerning  the  Ger- 
man Augustinians  and  Johann  von  Staupitz  enables  us 
to  understand  the  peculiarity  of  these  "Observantes." 
We  find  that  the  Augustinians  in  Germany  were  divided 
into  four  provinces  since  1299,  to  wit,  the  Rhenisch- 
Suebian,  the  Bavarian,  the  Thuringian-Saxonian  and  the 
one  of  Cologne-Flanders.  When,  in  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, a  reformation  among  the  German  Augustinian 
monasteries  became  more  and  more  imperative,  Henry 
Zolter,  enthusiastic  for  the  abandoned  strictness  in 
monasteries,  succeeded  in  combining  together,  for  the 
purpose  of  observing  strictly  the  old  Augustinian  rules, 
as  an  independent  union,  five  monasteries,  the  one  at 
Himmelspforte,  near  Wernigerode;  the  one  at  Magde- 
burg, at  Dresden,  at  Waldheim,  and  at  Koenigsberg,  in 
Franconia.  These  five  were  called  "Observantes,"  in 
contradistinction  to  the  bulk  of  other  Augustinians  called 
"Conventuales."  Andreas  Proles  energetically  carried  on 
Zolter's  plan,  so  that  his  union,  now  called  the  congrega- 
tion of  Proles,  or  the  Saxonian,  or  the  German,  was 
fully  recognized  in  1496,  in  spite  of  the  fact,  that  he  and 
the  monasteries  that  held  with  him  by  the  General-Vicar 
of  the  order  were  once  temporarily  placed  under  the  ban. 
More  than  that,  its  claim  for  an  independent  vicar  was 
granted,  and  it  was  considered  completely  on  par  with 
the  four  German  provinces  mentioned  before.  Proles 
was  furthermore  successful  in  winning  twenty-five  other 
monasteries  in  addition  to  the  five  already  named,  for  the 
purpose  of  observing  the  old  rules  of  the  order  more 
strictly,  because  not  a  few  of  these  twenty-five  belonged 
to  the  most  important  ones  in  all  Germany,  and  even  of 


42  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

the  Netherlands;  for  example,  the  ones  in  Muenchen, 
Nuernberg,  Erfurt,  Gotha,  Magdeburg,  Dresden,  Wit- 
tenberg, Nordhausen,  Muehlhausen  in  Alsace,  Bonn, 
Coeln,  Haarlem,  Dordrecht.  This  "German  Congrega- 
tion" at  the  time  of  Proles'  death,  in  1503,  constituted  a 
real  power.  Proles'  successor  as  General-Vicar  was  the 
well-known  Staupitz,  who  was  elected  at  the  meeting  in 
Eschwege  on  the  seventeenth  of  May,  1503,  according  to 
the  wish  of  Proles.  Thus  through  his  entrance  into  the 
monastery  at  Erfurt  Luther  became  one  of  the  "Ob- 
servantes,"  a  member  of  the  "German  Congregation," 
and  the  noble-minded  Staupitz  came  to  be  his  first  supe- 
rior in  Germany. 

Since  Denifle  had  cast  so  many  aspersions  on  Luther's 
monastery  life,  it  became  necessary  to  study  this  period 
of  the  life  of  the  Reformer  more  thoroughly.  Outside  of 
the  brief  answers  made  to  Denifle  by  Kolde,  Seeberg, 
Haussleiter,  Brieger,  Koehler,  Harnack  and  Walther,^" 
we  have  here  especially  to  consider  Benrath,  and  even 
more  so  Braun.^'  Because  Denifle  contends  that  since 
1515,  certainly  since  1519,  "the  vow  of  chastity  had 
proven  itself  irksome  to  Luther,"  and  that  the  real  mo- 
tive for  his  defection  from  Rome  is  to  be  found  in  his 
weakness  for  carnal  sins,  Benrath  takes  into  considera- 
tion the  entire  period  from  his  entrance  into  the  monas- 
tery up  to  his  marriage.  He  discloses  beyond  contradic- 
tion the  manipulations  and  distortions  of  facts  exercised 
by  Denifle,  and  permits  us  to  see  for  ourselves  how 
Luther  during  his  monastery  period  outgrew  the  Mediae- 
val Church,  and  how  the  fundamentals  were  first  laid  in 
his  own  life.  He  shows  that  the  position  which  Luther 
finally  won  over  against  the  Roman  Church  can  only  be 
understood  as  the  slowly  matured  result  of  religious  de- 


Luther  in  the  year  1535. 

Paintino-  In-  Cranach. 


Luther  Enters  Monastery  43 

velopment,  a  development,  that  had  to  pass  through  all 
stages  of  alleged  certainty  of  gaining  salvation  and  the 
bitter  knowledge  that  external  guarantees  do  not  allay 
doubt  until  it  found  its  way  to  the  truly  blessed  certainty 
of  God's  paternity  through  Jesus  Christ. 

Braun  visualizes  the  internal  development  of  Luther  up 
to  1 52 1,  wherefore  we  must  return  to  his  work  later  on. 
We   must,   however,    in   this   connection,    consider   that 
Braun  very  definitely  brings  out  that  it  was  not  weakness 
for  carnal  sins  that  contaminated  Luther  all  these  years, 
and  brought  about  the  end  of  his  relation  with  Rome. 
On  the  contrary,  it  was  his  eminently  tender  conscience, 
the  very  opposite  of  the  "Kautschuk-conscience"  trained 
by  the  Church,  his  conscience  which  would  not  allow  it- 
self to  be  soothed  either  through  the  at  that  time  cus- 
tomary reference  to  the  "Monk's  Baptism"  {i.  e.,  to  the 
power  of  order  to  make  up  for  sins)  or  through  sacra- 
mental magic,  but  which  would  trouble  itself  before  and 
after  dispensation  of  grace  because  of  the  consciousness 
of  inherent  lusts,  until  the  New  Testament  conception  of 
grace,  with  its  mercy  of  God,  that  reckons  no  sins  to  the 
faithful,  came  into  its  own,  and  through  faith  in  it  peace 
entered  the  heart.     Braun  says  "the  Luther  personality 
that  becomes  apparent  to  us  through  his  theological  en- 
deavors is  none  other  than  the  one  we  already  know  from 
his  mode  of  life.     His  unbending  veracity  that  is  never 
guilty  of  distortion  of  justice,  that  by  the  scholastic  dis- 
tinctions of  sins  of  omission,  of  weaknesses,  of  excusable 
ignorance,  the  scholastic  assertion  of  the  validity  of  good 
intentions,  and  whatever  the  rest  of  softening  phrases, 
may  be  called,  does  not  allow  its  moral  convictions  to 
be  confused,  but  abides  by  the  dictum  of  the  conscience 
and  calls  sin  sin, — his  excellent  psychological  understand- 


44  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

ing  of  the  methods  of  divine  pedagogy,  finally  the  uncon- 
ditional dependence  on  the  grace  of  God,  because  of 
which,  following  in  the  steps  of  Paul  and  Augustine,  he 
finds  nothing  of  good  in  himself,  but  attributes  all  of 
holiness,  all  of  virtue,  all  of  good  to  the  freely  given 
mercy  of  God, — all  of  these  constitute  the  spiritual  seal 
which  Luther's  theology  bears.  They  are  the  proof  that 
God  was  with  him." 

4.     Luther's  Journey  to  Rome 

In  the  year  1508  Luther  was  called  to  the  University  of 
Wittenberg.  Haussleiter  gives  us  an  idea  of  the  univer- 
sity at  this  time,  whereas  Bauch  sheds  light  on  its  relation 
to  Scholasticism  and  Haupt  illustrates  how  much  the  uni- 
versities of  today  owe  to  the  founding  of  Wittenberg.^^ 
As  is  known,  after  one  year  at  Wittenberg,  Luther  was 
called  back  to  Erfurt  (probably  by  his  order),  where  in 
the  fall  of  1509  he  entered  as  Sententiarius. 

It  appears  that  during  this  time  at  Erfurt  he  made  his 
journey  to  Rome.  As  to  time,  motive  for  going  and 
route  of  travel  nobody  seems  to  know  very  much.  Haus- 
rath,  Tuerk,  Elze,  Kawerau,  Todt  and  especially  Boeh- 
mer  in  our  period  treat  of  his  journey. ^^  Hausrath,  in 
using  the  guide  of  the  pilgrims  to  Rome  at  that  time, 
the  Mirabilia  urbis  Romse,  made  the  interesting  attempt 
to  interpret  Luther's  sojourn  at  the  different  places  of 
grace  in  Rome  and  his  scattered  notes  concerning  these 
by  means  of  this  old  guide.  It  was  interesting,  but  not 
trustworthy.  Much  less  does  the  work  of  Hausrath 
bring  us  to  a  decision  as  to  the  time,  whether  in  the  winter 
of  1510-11  or  in  the  winter  of  1511-12,  or  as  to  the  mo- 
tive for  going,  whether  as  a  representative  of  the  seven 
convents  rebelling  against  Staupitz  or  as  a  mediator  upon 


Luther's  Journey  to  Rome  45 

the  wish  of  Staupitz.  Tuerk  and  Kawerau  devoted  them- 
selves to  gathering  every  possible  expression  of  Luther 
that  might  have  a  bearing  upon  his  journey  to  Rome. 
Elze,  Todt  and  Clemen  have  performed  a  service  for  us 
in  connection  with  discoveries  as  to  the  route  of  travel. 
However,  Boehmer  has  given  us  the  main  production. 

In  his  work  not  only  are  all  the  sources  that  come  into 
consideration  carefully  and  critically  examined,  but  addi- 
tional sources  bearing  upon  important  issues  are  used. 
For  Boehmer  does  not  only  give  us  those  passages  of  the 
very  rare  Alphabetum  of  the  Augustinian  hermit,  Felix 
Milensius,  that  have  reference  to  the  matter  reviewed, 
but  he  also  enriches  our  knowledge  of  the  trouble  between 
Staupitz  and  the  seven  revolutionary  convents  and  fur- 
nishes us  with  a  reproduction  of  entries  for  1508  and 
1509  in  the  diary  of  the  General  of  the  Order,  Egidio, 
and  two  important  communications  of  the  Council  at 
Nuernberg  addressed  to  the  General  and  the  Chapter  of 
the  Augustinians  at  Koeln. 

On  the  basis  of  this  we  have  pretty  conclusive  evi- 
dence that  Luther  started  his  journey  in  fall,  say  in 
November,  15 10,  and  that  Luther  was  in  Rome  during 
January,  1511.  We  are  now  also  better  informed  as  to 
the  motive  of  the  journey.  Luther  actually  did  go  to 
Rome  in  the  interest  of  the  seven  revolutionary  convents. 
Staupitz,  in  harmony  with  the  General  of  the  Order, 
Egidio,  also  wished  to  reform  the  "Conventuales"  (cf. 
above)  and  with  this  end  in  view  to  unite  for  the  first 
the  Augustinian  Province  Saxonia  with  the  "German 
Congregation."  The  majority  of  the  twenty-nine  "Ob- 
servantes,"  namely,  twenty-two,  agreed  to  this  and  recog- 
nized the  union ;  but  seven  convents  under  the  leadership 
of   the   Frankish   District   Vicar   of    Kulmbach,    Simon 


46  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

Kayser,  raised  their  voices  in  protest.  These  were  the 
convents  of  Nuernberg,  Kulmbach,  Koenigsberg  in  Fran- 
conia,  Sangerhausen,  Nordhausen,  Sternberg  in  Mecklen- 
burg and  Erfurt.  They  were  afraid  that,  instead  of  the 
ideal  of  the  "Observantes"  being  assimilated  by  the  "Con- 
ventuales"  through  this  vinion,  the  levity  of  these  would 
find  access  into  their  own  ranks.  When  all  other  means 
had  failed  they  did  not  hesitate  to  send  a  delegation  to  the 
General  of  the  Order  at  Rome,  in  order  to  nullify  the 
union  and  make  their  ideal  secure.  As  a  member  of  this 
delegation  the  monastery  at  Erfurt  elected  the  monk, 
Martin  Luther.  He  could  hardly  have  been  the  litis 
procurator,  but  only  the  socius  itincrarius.  For  the  for- 
mer position  an  experienced  man  was  required,  one  who 
understood  the  procedure  at  the  Roman  See — perhaps 
the  distinguished  monk  of  Nuernberg,  Anton  Kress,  was 
entrusted  with  this  position.  At  their  arrival  in  Rome 
the  commissioners  brought  their  matter  to  the  Procurator 
in  January,  151 1,  but  a  deaf  ear  was  turned  to  them.  So 
after  a  stay  of  four  weeks  in  Rome  they  started  their 
journey  homeward,  their  mission  unfulfilled.  Even 
to-day  we  can  read  an  entry  into  the  General's  diary  for 
January,  151 1,  which  says:  "Appellare  ex  Legibus  Ger- 
mani  prohibentur."  But  the  journey  to  Rome  brought  no 
new  light  or  peace  to  Luther's  soul,  not  even  the  ascent 
of  the  Scala  Santa  of  Pilate.'"^ 

At  the  same  time  Boehmer  gives  a  minute  description 
of  Rome  at  that  time,  where  every  statement  made  is 
carefully  proven  by  the  literature  of  the  age,  and  where, 
for  the  description  of  the  immeasurably  sunken  state  of 
morals,  the  not  altogether  unknown  yet  not  very  thor- 
oughly used  book,  "The  Lozana  Andaluza,"  of  Francisco 
Delirado,  Venice,  1528,  is  made  use  of.     Boehmer  also 


Luther  Made  Doctor  of  Divinity,  i§i2  47 

for  the  first  time  offers  an  attractive  suggestion  as  to 
what  course  Luther's  career  took  immediately  after  his 
return  from  Rome.  A  second  delegation  sent  by  the 
Nuernberg  Convent — likely  in  the  name  of  the  others — 
which  brought  a  communication  of  the  Nuernberg  Coun- 
cil to  the  General  of  the  Order  succeeded  in  so  far,  that 
an  actual  union  between  the  "Observantes"  and  the  other 
Augustinians  in  Germany  was  no  longer  expected,  and 
that  from  now  on  the  only  requirement  was  that  all 
parties  recognize  in  Staupitz  their  Vicar  General,  other- 
wise having  nothing  in  common.  This  new  proposition 
was  discussed  at  Jena  in  the  middle  of  July,  151 1.  Here 
again  the  seven  "Observantes"  protested.  But,  the  main 
object  had  been  achieved  and  the  danger  that  because  of 
the  union  the  levity  of  the  "Conventuales"  might  find 
entrance  among  them,  avoided ;  so  Luther  and  Johann 
Lang,  it  seems,  went  over  to  the  side  of  Staupitz.  Be- 
cause he  now  knew  that  he  must  be  in  opposition  to  the 
majority  of  his  brother-monks  at  Erfurt,  Luther  would 
have  been  glad  to  be  called  back  again  to  Wittenberg  by 
Staupitz.  In  the  spring  of  15 12  he  had  already  moved 
there  and  it  was  probably  in  May,  15 12,  that  he  repre- 
sented the  Convent  of  Wittenberg  in  Koeln  at  the  occa- 
sion of  the  assembly  of  Congregations.^^ 

5.     Luther  Made  Doctor  of  Divinity,   1512 

At  the  assembly  in  Koeln  some  resolutions  were  formed 
that  were  important  for  Luther's  future.  He  was  not 
only  named  as  sub-prior  of  the  Wittenberg  Monastery, 
in  which  capacity  it  devolved  upon  him  to  take  the  leader- 
ship in  the  course  of  study  there,  but  he  was  also  called 
upon  to  become  a  postulant  for  the  title  of  Divine  Doctor. 
One  can  readily  see  in  this,  that  at  this  time  already 


48  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

Staupitz  intended  that  his  tried  disciple  should  take  the 
place  in  Wittenberg,  which  he  himself  as  yet  occupied, 
the  "Lectura  in  Biblia  auf  das  Augustinerkloster 
gestiftet." 

Concerning  the  solemn  ceremony  when  Luther  was 
made  a  Divine  Doctor,*-  on  the  i8th  and  19th  of  Octo- 
ber, Steinlein  published  a  valuable  investigation,  in  which 
he  describes  the  procedure  of  the  promotion,  the  mean- 
ing of  being  a  Doctor,  in  itself  as  well  as  in  reference 
to  Luther — whom  it  gave  a  strong  impulse  and  secure 
footing,  whereas  it  did  not  influence  his  relation  to  Holy 
Scriptures,  as  this  had  been  a  most  intimate  one  before — 
and  also  the  prominence  which  Luther  in  different  periods 
of  his  activity  accorded  to  his  being  a  Divine  Doctor. 

6.     Luther's  Development  from   1512-1517 

Of  what  nature  was  Luther's  theological  development 
between  15 12  and  1517,  i.  e.,  how  did  Luther's  mind 
gradually  become  free  from  Rome  and  how  did  he  be- 
come an  evangelical  Christian  and  an  evangelical  theolo- 
gian? The  Roman  Catholic  Denifle,  above  all  others,  as 
has  already  been  briefly  stated,  placed  this  question  in 
the  foreground,  and  Grisar  held  fast  to  similar  asser- 
tions that  strongly  incriminated  Luther,  and  scattered 
them  broadcast  in  the  widest  circles.  One  cannot  answer 
this  question  without  at  the  same  time  answering  the 
other  question,  namely,  in  how  far  the  later  statements 
made  by  Luther  himself  about  his  theological  develop- 
ment, and  about  his  monastery  life  and  the  vulgarly  Cath- 
olic beliefs,  which  obtained  in  Luther's  time,  are  trust- 
worthy. Denifle,  Grisar  and  Paulus  prefer  simply  to 
ignore  these  as  being  entirely  devoid  of  historical  interest, 
sometimes  they  even  attempt  to  hold  them  up  as  proofs  of 


Luther's  Development  from  iji2-ijiy  49 

a  strong  streak  of  dishonesty  in  Luther,  whereas  the 
Protestant  theologians  contend,  while  admitting  that 
Luther's  memory  failed  him  in  some  single  instances, 
that  they  in  the  main,  as  far  as  his  theological  develop- 
ment is  concerned,  are  entirely  trustworthy.  Among  the 
later  Scheel  is  probably  the  most  ready  to  admit  that 
Luther's  memory  played  him  false  in  some  material  re- 
spects. But  he  at  the  same  time  is  a  strong  opponent 
against  the  Catholic  assertions  and  holds  that  all  decisive 
features  related  by  Luther  are  correct.*^ 

So  it  must  be  considered  a  historical  fact  what  Luther 
tells  of  his  "Klostererlehnis."  It  was  really  "auf  diesem 
Turm,"  i.  e.,  in  the  tower  room  of  the  cloister  at  Witten- 
berg, where  Luther  for  the  first  time  gained  the 
evangelical  understanding  of  Rom.  i,  17,  and  as  a  result 
peace  for  his  soul.  It  is  characteristic  for  Grisar's  mind 
and  method  when  starting  from  a  very  doubtful  text,  that 
he  attempts  to  prove  that  Luther  found  this  important  and 
saving  explanation  in  the  privy  ;  but  even  if  he  were  right, 
what  would  it  matter  ?  Kawerau  and  Scheel  on  this  point 
strike  Grisar  home  in  a  way  deserved  by  him.**  We  are 
not  able  to  say  with  certainty  at  what  time  this  new  un- 
derstanding of  the  term  "jnstitia  Dei"  was  given  to 
Luther,  but  Scheel,  it  seems,  dates  it  correctly  in  the  year 

1512-13- 

Furthermore,  it  is  a  fact  that  Luther  soon  after  his 
Doctor-promotion  began  to  work  on  the  Psalms  and  that 
in  these  lectures,  extending  from  1 513-15 16,  we  have  an 
important  milestone  of  his  inner  development.  Without 
placing  himself,  after  a  critical  examination,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  system  of  doctrine  of  the  Church,  still  there 
are  moments  when  rays  of  true  evangelical  faith  break 
through  these  lectures,  especially  can  we  more  and  more 


50  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

gain  glimpses  into  a  soul  that  has  found  its  peace  in 
that  righteousness  of  God  that  makes  all  sinners  just. 
Outside  of  Hering  it  was  Dieckhoff  especially  who  busied 
himself  more  intimately  with  these  lectures.*^ 

Already,  before  completion  of  the  lectures  on  the 
Psalms,  Luther  in  151 5  began  with  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans.  This  commentary  has  been  well  treated  by  its 
first  editor,  Johannes  Ficker*",  in  an  extended  introduc- 
tion. Here  we  see  the  lightning  flashes  of  the  great 
themes  of  the  following  years  much  more  frequently  and 
distinctly  than  in  the  lectures  on  the  Psalms  and  we  watch 
the  Reformer's  inner  man  develop  in  an  astonishing  man- 
ner. Here  Luther  also  proves  himself  a  lover  of  German 
and  a  scholar  in  the  best  sense  of  this  word.  Ficker  says 
(1.  c,  p.  LH)  :  "Luther  is  the  first  German  professor  who, 
in  the  academic  lecture  room,  made  use  of  his  mother- 
tongue,  and  it  is  the  lecture  on  Romans,  in  which  he  used 
it  to  a  large  degree.  How  direct  and  personal  this  fact 
alone  made  this  lecture !  Further,  it  is  also  the  first  lec- 
ture of  a  German  theologian,  in  which  the  words  of  the 
original  of  the  New  Testament,  as  soon  as  this  was  ac- 
cessible, were  spoken  and  explained.  Here  Luther 
stands  before  us  a  scholar  strictly  scientifically  trained, 
making  use  of  the  foundation  laid  by  the  past  as  far  as 
they  prove  trustworthy  to  him  and  at  the  same  time  utiliz- 
ing every  progress  in  knowledge  and  scientific  tools  as 
soon  as  they  are  at  hand,  well  versed  in  the  application 
of  the  method  and  the  whole  apparatus  of  the  Human- 
ism." Meissinger*"  makes  us  acquainted  with  the  mean- 
ing of  "Glossce"  and  "Scholias"  in  Luther's  lectures.  We 
are  given  a  characterization  of  his  lectures  on  the  Psalter, 
Romans  and  Hebrews,  an  investigation  concerning  the 
position  Luther  took  over  against  the  Vulgata,  and  con- 


Luther  in  the  year  1542. 
Painting-  h}-   Cranach. 


Luther's  Development  from  151 2-1 517  51 

cerning  his  consideration  for  the  Hebrew  and  Greek  text 
— Luther  took  up  the  study  of  Hebrew  before  Greek; 
the  Greek  New  Testament  (Edition  of  Erasmus)  he  used 
for  the  first  time  in  15 16  in  connection  with  Romans  IX. 
Meissinger  further  attempts  a  Hst  of  Luther's  first 
Hbrary. 

The  whole  question  of  Luther's  theological  develop- 
ment is  taken  up  by  Dieckhoflf,  J.  Picker,  W.  Braun,  A. 
W.  Hunzinger,  H.  Hermelink,  Scheel,  Kawerau,  J.  v. 
Walter,  A.  V.  Mueller;  besides  these  investigations  cer- 
tain passages  in  Loofs's  History  of  Dogma,  Boehmer's 
"Luther  in  the  light  of  recent  research,"  and  O.  Ritschl's 
History  of  Protestant  Dogma  must  be  compared.*''  Un- 
happily we  cannot  enter  into  details  at  this  time.  It  is 
apparent,  however,  that  there  were  four  main  factors 
that  played  the  influential  part  in  Luther's  theological 
development  during  these  years :  Occam's  school  of  the- 
ology of  which  Luther  was  an  adherent,  his  reading  of 
Augustine,  his  study  of  Paul,  and  the  German  mysticism. 
Hermelink  in  191 2  includes  everything  that  has  been  ac- 
complished during  the  last  years,  when  he  writes  in  his 
History  of  Reformation  (Krueger,  Handbuch  der  Kirch- 
engeschichte,  second  volume,  p.  63),  as  follows:  "We 
must  begin  in  all  likelihood  with  the  Occam  school  of 
theology,  with  which  Luther  first  became  acquainted.  He 
will  always  have  this  school  to  thank  for  the  strong  ac- 
centuation of  the  will  in  the  idea  of  God,  for  the  begin- 
ning of  his  understanding  of  faith  as  building  upon  posi- 
tive facts  of  revelation  and  mistrusting  reason.  The 
moral  undertone  in  the  way  of  salvation,  as  the  School 
of  Occam  taught  it,  aided  in  multiplying  his  inner  rest- 
lessness. The  tension  between  reason  and  faith,  self 
and  the  will  of  God  is  intensified,  and,  for  the  time  being 


52  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

solved,  through  the  reading  of  Augustine,  whose  earlier 
writings,  tinged  with  New-platonic  ideas,  Luther  at  that 
time  preferred.  The  mysticism  that  he  gained  from 
these,  together  with  that  complete  metaphysical  ethical 
dualism  that  has  its  origin  in  ancient  philosophy,  he 
brought  into  full  play  in  his  exegesis  on  the  Psalter.  A 
further  means  of  consolation  is  the  fides  incarnationis 
that  is  found  in  Augustine,  i.  e.,  the  stress  laid  on  the  im- 
portance for  salvation  of  Christ's  life  and  passion.  This 
is  emphasized  even  more  through  the  study  of  Anselm  and 
Bernhard  (the  'happy  trade'  of  sin  and  grace  between 
Christ  and  the  soul).  Finally,  his  opposition  against  the 
moralism  of  his  time  that  tended  toward  Pelagianism 
was  another  chain  that  bound  Luther  to  Augustine." 

"What  Augustine  wrought  in  the  mind  of  Luther  was 
immeasurably  intensified  through  the  study  of  Pauline 
ideas  and  Paul's  opposition  against  nomism  and  ergism  in 
every  form.  In  the  Pauline  idea  of  2APS  Luther  finds 
his  experience  with  concupiscence  confirmed.  Now,  i, 
justificatio=absolutio=non  imputatio  peccatorum;  2, 
gratia  is  identified  as  justificatio=misericordia  dei= 
nova  nativitas,  quae  dat  novum  esse.  Semper  adhuc  justi- 
ficamur  et  in  justificatione  sumus.  Simul  sum  peccator 
et  Justus ;  3,  fides==fides  evangelii=relativa  promis- 
sioni,  per  quam  solam  deus  justificat.  Synergistic  state- 
ments are  still  to  be  found  in  the  lectures  on  the  Psalms, 
and  more  rarely  in  the  commentary  on  Romans.  German 
mysticism,  Tauler  and  Theologia  Deutsch  especially  (new 
edition  by  Mandel),  helped  strongly  to  overcome  this. 
The  pantheistic  conclusions  of  mysticism  were  completely 
crowded  into  the  background  through  Occam's  idea  of 
God,  intensified  through  the  Gospel.  The  last  link  in  the 
chain,  not  the  first — as  was  formerly  supposed  from  state- 


Luther  and  the  Indulgence  53 

ments  of  Melanchthon — was  the  certainty  of  salvation, 
whose  clear  expression  Luther  had  wrought  out  during  \ 
his  study  of  Romans." 

Herewith  the  main  factors  in  Luther's  development  are 
correctly  mentioned,  even  though  Walter  is  right  when  he 
advises,  not  as  yet  to  conclude  this  investigation.  Braun's 
work  has  been  the  most  instructive  among  those  alluded 
to.  Mueller's  book  one  time  aroused  a  great  deal  of  ex- 
citement. He  directs  a  very  sharp  attack  against  Denifle, 
and  on  the  strength  of  a  very  wide  knowledge  concern- 
ing mediaeval  theology,  attempts  the  proof  that  Luther's 
doctrine  of  concupiscentia,  etc.,  did  not  have  its  origin 
in  Luther's  "soiled"  mind,  but  that  much  rather  it  is  an 
expression  that  dates  back  to  a  once  celebrated  old  school 
that  had  the  sanction  of  the  Church,  and  which  even  at 
Luther's  time  had  many  adherents  on  the  Catholic  side, 
so  that  in  reality  Luther  brought  no  "innovation,"  but 
only  a  "renovation,"  and  that  the  papacy  of  that  time  is 
much  rather  to  be  called  the  "apostate"  instead  of  Luther. 
However,  Mueller  did  not  prove  very  satisfactorily  that 
Luther  was  acquainted  with  this  theology.  Nevertheless, 
it  was  pretty  confounding  evidence  and  challenged  to 
closer  investigation  in  this  direction. 

7.     Luther  and  the  Indulgence 

Luther  could  hardly  have  begun  with  his  lectures  on 
Romans,  in  which  he  fought  his  way  to  the  absolute  cer- 
tainty of  salvation  when  Pope  Leo  gave  his  sanction  to 
the  Main:^  Indulgence  on  the  31st  of  March,  151 5.  It 
had  always  been  accepted  heretofore  that  the  Pope  gave 
his  sanction  to  this  Mainz  Indulgence,  in  order  that  half 
of  the  funds  might  place  Albrecht  in  a  position  to  defray 
the  huge  sums  paid  to  the  Roman  See  for  his  confirmation 


54  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

as  archbishop  of  Mainz,  which  method  of  procedure 
would  have  been  scandalous  enough,  and  which  would 
have  furnished  plenty  of  proof  that  the  indulgences  were 
a  means  unscrupulously  employed  to  fill  the  treasuries 
of  the  Vatican.  But  the  investigation  of  the  dealings 
of  the  House  of  Fugger,  the  Pope's  banker,  that  trans- 
acted all  of  the  papal  business  at  that  time  in  Germany, 
Hungary,  Poland  and  Scandinavia,  by  the  Catholic  Alois 
Schulte*^  disclosed  very  clearly  that  the  papal  business 
was  even  much  more  sordid.  Not  only  did  Albrecht  have 
to  pay  the  Pope  the  sum  of  12,000  Dukaten  (=  ca  $60,- 
000)  as  regular  fee  for  confirmation  as  archbishop  of 
Mainz ;  but  it  was  hinted  to  him  that  he  could  never  unite 
the  archbishopric  of  Mainz  with  the  bishopric  of  Halber- 
stadt  and  the  archbishopric  of  Magdeburg  without  paying 
a  further  sum  of  10,000  Dukaten  (about  $50,000)  ;  only 
then  could  the  rules  forbidding  such  unification  of  offices 
be  set  aside.  And  Albrecht  conceded.  So  in  the  end  the 
much-mooted  simony  was  committed  by  the  Pope  him- 
self !  In  order  to  gain  the  sums  for  this  unholy  business 
it  was  Rome  itself  who  intimated  to  the  young  Albrecht 
that  the  best  way  would  be  to  sell  indulgences  in  Mainz 
and  Brandenburg,  send  half- of  the  money  thus  acquired 
directly  to  Rome,  the  other  half  indirectly  as  a  payment 
for  the  sanction  of  three  bishoprics  existing  under  one 
head !  It  is  fairly  astonishing  what  conditions  Alois 
Schulte  discloses  in  his  book. 

What  was  the  nature  of  indulgences f  On  this  subject 
also  many  disclosures  have  been  made  in  the  last  thirty- 
five  years.  We  name  especially  the  works  of  Bratke, 
Dieckhoff,  Brieger,  Ditterle  and  the  one  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  Paulus.*''  Although  Protestants  were  at  first  a 
little  too  much  blinded  by  Catholic  statements  according 


Luther  in  his  later  years. 

Painting  by   Cranacli. 


Luther  and  the  Indulgence  55 

to  which  these  indulgences  were  much  less  harmful  than 
they  were  once  thought  to  be,  and  that  they  only  excused 
the  purchaser  from  punishments  demanded  by  the  canons 
of  the  Church,  yet  in  the  end  it  was  acknowledged  that 
the  old  definitions  were  in  the  main  correct. 

The  Church  as  a  matter  of  fact  did  distinguish  theo- 
retically between  the  purchase  of  an  indulgence  and  the 
absolution  as  declared  by  the  priest  in  Confession.  The 
latter  could  be  an  absolution  from  culpability,  or  of  the 
punishments  exacted  by  the  Church,  or  of  the  divine  pun- 
ishments for  sin  in  time  and  eternity.  But  because  this 
absolution  was  often  granted  by  priests  who  accompanied 
the  indulgence-vendors,  and  thus  occurred  at  the  same 
time  when  a  purchase  of  indulgence  was  made ;  and  be- 
cause from  the  end  of  the  14th  century  the  indulgences 
were  also  called  indulgences  for  punishment  and  culpa- 
bility (poena  et  culpa)  and  praised  as  an  atonement  of 
man  with  God,  it  can  be  readily  understood  that  the  com- 
mon people  generally  were  of  the  opinion  that  on  these 
occasions  they  had  the  opportunity,  not  only  to  receive 
indulgence  for  punishments,  but  also  for  culpability.  For 
the  common  man  did  not  know  that  theoretically  the 
Church  had  bound  together  freeing  from  culpability  with 
Confession  and  Absolution;  he  could  only  form  his  judg- 
ment according  to  what  he  saw.  What  he  really  saw  was 
something  that  savored  strongly  of  the  open  market- 
place, a  business  where  Confession  played  a  very  much 
subordinated  role,  especially  since  attritio  was  considered 
enough.  Although  Tetzel,  who  was  commissioned  for  his 
special  trade,  and  of  whom  Paulus  treats  in  a  monograv- 
ure  (1889),'''°  later  after  his  acquittal,  taught  that  the  in- 
dulgences "served  solely  in  the  case  of  punishment  of 
sins  that  had  been  repented  of  and  confessed,"  yet  his 


56  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

instructions  read,  outside  of  indulgence  for  punishment 
of  sin,  of  the  plenaria  omnium  peccatorum  remissio,  and 
without  repenting  one  could  buy  an  indulgence  upon  the 
presentation  of  which  any  promiscuously  chosen  priest 
was  forced  once  during  lifetime  and  in  the  hour  of  death 
to  grant  to  the  professor  a  general  absolution. 

In  the  same  way  an  indulgence  for  the  dead  could  be 
had,  for  "as  soon  as  the  money  clinked  in  the  bottom  of 
the  chest,  the  souls  of  the  deceased  friends  forthwith 
went  into  Heaven,"  was,  according  to  Prierias,  actually 
preached  as  "mera  et  catholica  Veritas."  Therefore,  it 
was  no  trivial  issue  on  which  Luther's  battle  began ;  it 
was  an  institution,  representative  of  the  entire  system 
which  brought  it  forth,  and  because  of  whose  abuses  the 
entire  world  suffered. 

Concerning  particularly  that  indulgence  connected  with 
the  Castle  Church  at  Wittenberg,  P.  Kalkoff  treats  in  his 
"Ablass  und  Reliquienverehrung  an  der  Schlosskirche  zu 
Wittenberg"  (1907). 

8.    Luther's  Ninety-five  Theses 

To  the  door  of  the  Castle  Church  in  Wittenberg, 
Luther  nailed  his  Ninety-five  Theses.  As  far  as  these 
are  concerned,  in  addition  to  the  already  mentioned 
writing  of  Bratke,  the  publications  of  Koehler  and 
Brieger  come  into  consideration.^^  Koehler  presents  all 
the  documents  from  the  nth  century  to  the  Indulgence 
Decretal  of  Leo  X  on  the  9th  of  November,  15 18,  that 
are  necessary  for  the  understanding  of  the  indulgence 
controversy,  so  that  every  one  can  form  an  estimate  for 
himself.  And  then  he  arranges  the  Ninety-five  Theses 
so  that,  alongside  of  the  individual  theses,  he  can  give 
Luther's  own  explanation  in  the  "Resolutiones"  and  the 


Luther's  Ninety-Five  Theses  57 

contradictions  of  the  Roman  theologians.  Brieger,  on  the 
other  hand,  has  given  close  study  to  the  systematical  ar- 
rangement of  the  Ninety-five  Theses. 

Because  the  systematic  arrangement  is  by  no  means 
so  clear  at  the  first  glance,  we  shall  here  reproduce  it,  as 
Brieger  thinks  it  to  be  (according  to  Hermelink, 
Geschichte  der  Reformation,  191 2)  :  The  first  seven 
sentences  constitute  the  introduction  and  offer  the  funda- 
mental definition  of  repentance  (the  life-long  pcenitentia 
vera  interior  that  is  demanded  by  Christ  is  distinguished 
from  the  sacramental  act  of  Penitence :  it  finds  its  ex- 
pression in  mortificationes  carnis,  Theses  1-4),  that  of 
punishment  (5),  and  that  of  culpability  {6-y).  The  first 
main  passage,  Theses  8-29,  treats  of  purgatory  in  a  dou- 
ble respect.  First,  the  relation  between  the  idea  of  poena 
canonica  and  poena  purgatorii  (8-19)  :  negatively  8-13 
(morituri  legibus  canonum  mortui  iam  sunt),  and  affirma- 
tively 14-19  (spiritual  interpretation  of  purgatory,  which 
serves  to  increase  love  and  decrease  fear).  Then  the 
relation  of  the  pope  to  purgatory  is  investigated  in  20-29  • 
negatively  in  20-24  (the  pope  can  only  excuse  from  the 
punishment  he  himself  has  exacted,  therefore  not  from 
the  punishment  of  purgatory),  and  affirmatively  in  25-29 
(the  papal  suflfragium  is  dependent  upon  the  will  of  God). 
The  second  main  passage  (30-80)  deals  of  the  indul- 
gences for  the  living.  Theses  30-55  contain  contents  and 
subject-matter  of  the  indulgence  sermons  (30-35  criticism 
of  indulgence  sermons,  36-40  positive  declarations  begin- 
ning with  the  premises  of  the  Catholic  doctrine  of  peni- 
tence; 41-52  the  right  form  of  indulgence  sermons  and 
the  one  solely  wanted  by  the  pope ;  53-55  its  non-value 
compared  with  the  other  parts  of  divine  service).  Pro- 
ceeding from  the  practical  into  the  dogmatical,  we  are 


58  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

brought  to  the  discussion  in  Theses  56-66  on  the 
thesaurus.  The  criticism  in  56-59  and  the  positive  dec- 
laration concerning  the  Gospel,  and  the  merit  of  Christ  as 
the  real  claves  and  thesaurus  ecclesise  (60-62)  are  taken 
together  in  ringing  anti-theses  (63-66).  In  conclusion 
the  authorities  of  the  Church  are  reminded  of  their  duty 
in  further  pairs  of  anti-theses  (67-80).  The  Ninety-five 
Theses  are  concluded  in  twofold  manner :  in  81-91  Luther 
gathers  all  the  old  protests  from  the  laity  against  the 
hawking  of  indulgences  and  in  91-95  in  ringing  words 
about  the  evil  motive  for  purchasing  indulgences  escap- 
ing from  the  salubrious  suffering  in  repentance — he  leads 
back  to  Theses  1-4. 

9.     Rome's  Procedure  Against  Luther,  1517-1520 

The  action  of  the  Roman  Church  against  Luther  that 
followed  and  that  ended  with  his  excommunication,  has 
taken  an  entirely  new  aspect  as  a  result  of  the  newer 
investigations.  That  Luther's  opponents,  like  Tetzel, 
Wimpina,  Eck  et  ah,  already  from  the  very  beginning 
entered  the  lists  against  Luther  without  reserve,  and 
were  prepared,  because  of  his  doubts  about  the  popularly 
accepted  indulgence  doctrine,  to  call  him  an  heretic,  to 
cause  him  to  be  excommunicated  and  to  send  him  to  the 
stake,  all  of  this  was  known.  But  the  opinion  seemed  to 
hold  sway  that  Rome  itself,  as  the  highest  ecclesiastic 
authority,  had  for  years  indulgently  or  indifferently  with- 
held its  judgment  in  the  face  of  all  these  charges.  Karl 
Mueller,  Alois  Schulte,  and,  above  all  others,  P.  Kal- 
koff,^^  place  us  in  a  position  now  to  know  that  the  Papal 
See,  on  the  contrary,  forthwith  and  in  suspicious  haste 
did  everything  in  order,  after  the  first  refusal  to  retract. 


The  old  Luther. 

Woodcut  by  Joerg  after  Cranach. 


Rome's  Procedure  Against  Luther  59 

to  smash  the  new  progressive  with  the  severest  Church 
punishment,  and,  that  through  diverse,  and  sometimes 
even  poHtically  influential  measures,  it  worked  to  the  end 
to  get  him  into  its  power. 

The  results  of  these  important  discoveries  are  briefly 
summarized  by  Kawerau  in  the  third  edition  of  his 
"Geschichte  der  Reformation  und  Gegenreformation" 
(Moeller,  Kirchengeschichte,  Vol.  Ill,  1907).  Kalkofif 
himself  treats  of  this  minutely  and  very  excellently,  be- 
sides his  special  studies  in  the  Zeitschrift  fuer  Kirchen- 
geschichte (Vol.  T)2),  later  published  in  book  form,  in 
his  introduction  of  186  pages  for  the  second  volume  of 
the  Muenchen-Edition  of  Luther,  when  he  presents  this 
entire  period  under  the  following  headings:  i.  The  his- 
tory leading  up  to  the  Indulgence  Controversy  (pp.  9-21), 
the  controversy  itself  and  Rome's  first  steps  against 
Luther  (pp.  22-44),  the  first  Roman  suit  in  the  actual 
process  (pp.  45-54),  the  summary  procedure  (pp.  55-69), 
the  hearing  at  Augsburg  (pp.  70-84),  awaiting  the  bull 
carrying  the  ban  (pp.  75-95),  election  and  ecclesiastical 
armistice  (pp.  96-114),  the  coming  reformer  (pp.  115- 
127),  the  second  Roman  process  against  Luther  and  the 
Elector  (pp.  128-158),  the  opposition  of  the  Elector  and 
the  great  reformatory  writings  of  Luther  (pp.  159-186). 

We  shall  briefly  sketch  the  course  of  events.  On  the 
same  day,  when  Luther  nailed  his  95  theses  to  the  door 
of  the  Castle  Church  at  Wittenberg,  he  also  sent  a  letter 
to  the  archbishop  of  Mainz  protesting  against  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  indulgence  traffic  was  carried  on.  The 
archbishop,  however,  fearing  that  Luther's  opposition 
would  seriously  hinder  the  sale  of  indulgence  and  that 
thus  his  revenues  would  be  severely  diminished,  reported 
the  matter  to  Rome.    His  report  was  a  letter  of  informa- 


6o  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

tion  rather  than  of  complaint  against  Luther.  Pope  Leo 
X.  put  the  whole  matter  into  the  hands  of  Cajetan,  his 
advisor  in  questions  concerning  faith  and  doctrine.  That 
keen-sighted  cardinal  readily  recognized  that  the  point  at 
issue  in  Luther's  theses  and  other  writings  was  not  merely 
his  rejection  of  indulgences,  but  also  two  other  proposi- 
tions of  very  great  importance,  (i)  that  natural  man  has 
no  power  to  do  what  is  really  good  and  acceptable  to  God  ; 
(2)  that  the  sinner  is  justified  before  God  and  saved 
alone  through  faith  in  Christ.  Soon  after,  it  was  on 
December  8,  Cajetan  submitted  his  opinion  on  the  whole 
controversy  in  his  "tractatus  de  indulgentiis."  The  pope, 
however,  thought  it  wise  to  wait  for  further  information 
on  Luther  before  he  called  him  to  account. 

The  desired  information  soon  arrived.  Tetzel  suc- 
ceeded in  mobilizing  his  order,  that  is  the  order  of  Do- 
minican monks,  against  Luther.  The  Dominican  brethren 
lent  their  assistance  all  the  more  willingly  because  they 
were  filled  with  envy,  when  they  saw  how  Luther  drew 
large  numbers  of  students  to  Wittenberg,  and  how 
through  him  the  Augustinian  order  forged  ahead  to  honor 
and  respect.  Under  the  leadership  of  Doctor  Rab,  prior 
of  the  Monastery  of  St.  Paul  in  Leipzig,  to  which  Tetzel 
himself  belonged,  the  Dominicans  held  a  meeting  of  dem- 
onstration in  Frankfurt  a.  O.,  and  here  decided  vigorously 
to  press  the  charge  of  heresy  against  Luther  in  Rome. 
And  because  they  possessed  a  shrewd  representative  in 
Nikolaus  von  Schoenberg,  the  Dominicans  at  first  gained 
their  purpose.  A  papal  letter  was  promptly  addressed  to 
Staupitz,  Luther's  superior,  commanding  him  to  force 
Luther  to  recant.  Staupitz  passed  the  demand  of  the 
pope  on  to  Luther  without  any  comment  of  his  own. 
Luther  answered  May  31,  1518,  *T  teach  men  to  trust  in 


Rome's  Procedure  Against  Luther  6i 

Jesus  Christ  and  not  in  their  own  merit,  consisting  of 
prayer  and  other  good  works.  Because  we  can  be  saved, 
not  of  our  own  strength,  but  alone  through  the  mercy  of 
God.  I  can  not  refrain  from  this."  It  now  seemed  as 
if  Tetzel's  prediction  would  come  true,  that  in  a  few 
months  Luther  would  be  burned  at  the  stake,  especially 
since  it  was  at  this  time,  that  Luther  published  a  German 
tract  for  the  common  people  in  which  he  attacked  indul- 
gences and  declared  that  the  vicarious  death  of  Christ  and 
repentant  faith  were  the  true  way  of  salvation.  Yes,  with 
a  letter  and  other  expressions  of  his  grace  and  good  will, 
the  pope  even  tried  to  turn  the  Elector  of  Saxony  into  a 
willing  instrument  of  Rome,  who  would,  either  deliver 
Luther,  or  at  least  divest  him  of  his  professorship.  And 
the  Dominicans  were  even  preparing  to  take  him  prisoner 
on  his  journey  to  Heidelberg,  where  he  was  required  to 
appear  toward  the  end  of  April  before  his  superiors.  But 
the  Elector  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  all  the  allurements  of 
the  pope  and  more  and  more  looked  with  favor  on  Luther 
and  his  teachings,  and  therefore  provided  most  carefully 
for  Luther's  safety  on  his  journey  to  and  from  Heidel- 
berg. And  in  Heidelberg  itself,  where  Luther  was  to  be 
called  to  account  before  his  order,  and  where  he  was  to 
be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  hangmen  of  Rome,  in 
case  he  did  not  recant,  by  God's  grace  he  was  privileged 
to  present  the  principles  of  his  own  theology  in  extended 
outline  before  his  brethren  of  the  Augustinian  order  and 
before  the  Dominicans  who  had  come  to  hear  him. 
Luther  emphasized  that  true  theology  was  not  to  be  taken 
from  the  books  of  men,  but  out  of  the  Book  of  God,  Holy 
Scripture,  and  that  the  central  thought  in  Holy  Scripture 
was,  ( I )  man  can  do  nothing  that  is  really  good  and  so 
appear  righteous  before  God;  (2)  there  is  no  other  way 


62  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

by  which  we  can  be  freed  from  guilt  and  the  dominion  of 
sin,  than  through  faith  in  God's  grace,  faith  in  Christ, 
and  Him  crucified.  And  this  "theology  of  the  cross" 
Luther  defended  with  such  power  that  the  Dominicans 
did  not  succeed  in  forcing  him  to  deviate  even  a  hair's 
breadth  from  his  convictions.  The  brethren  of  his  own 
order  did  not  even  think  of  insisting  on  a  revocation,  but 
in  part  even  took  sides  with  him. 

Upon  his  return  from  Heidelberg  to  Wittenberg,  Luther, 
in  the  beginning  of  June,  published  a  defence  and  a  care- 
ful exposition  of  his  theses  in  Latin  and  sent  a  copy  to  the 
pope  in  order  that  he  might  be  able  to  judge  correctly 
if  Luther  really  were  a  heretic.  In  an  accompanying  let- 
ter to  the  pope  Luther  contended  that  the  fact  that  he 
was  a  Doctor  of  Divinity,  an  honor  bestowed  upon  him 
through  papal  power,  gave  him  the  privilege  to  take  part 
in  public  disputations  on  all  great  questions.  He  also 
made  mention  of  the  flagrancies  of  the  indulgence  preach- 
ers who,  in  the  way  they  carried  on  their  traffic,  only 
seriously  harmed  the  Church.  Out  of  all  this  the  Roman 
authorities  heard  but  the  one  word,  "I  cannot  recant." 
Meanwhile  Luther  appealed  to  the  whole  nation  in  a  tract 
written  in  German,  in  which  he  insisted  that  he  ought 
not  be  denounced  as  an  heretic  before  his  case  had  been 
carefully  investigated  and  closed  in  these  words,  "I  am 
not  so  presumptuous  that  I  place  my  opinion  above  that 
of  all  others,  nor  am  I  so  unmindful  of  my  duty  that  I 
would  sacrifice  God's  Word  for  the  sake  of  the  fables 
of  men.  Jesus  Christ  lives  and  reigns  yesterday,  today 
and  forever."  This  confirmed  the  Roman  authorities  in 
their  unwillingness  to  make  even  the  smallest  concession. 
The  Dominicans  again  pressed  their  charges  against 
Luther  before  the  Papal  See  and  insisted  upon  prompt 


Rome's  Procedure  Against  Luther  63 

action  against  him.  Commissioned  by  the  pope,  Sylvester 
Prierias,  a  Dominican,  submitted  an  opinion  on  Luther's 
teachings  on  the  basis  of  which  it  was  decided  that  inside 
of  60  days  Luther  must  appear  in  Rome  personally  to 
defend  himself. 

Luther  and  his  Elector  had  hardly  begun  to  take  a 
stand  over  against  the  summons,  when  because  of  a  third 
report  by  the  Dominicans,  a  veritable  network  of  lies,  and 
also  because  of  various  political  events,  the  authorities 
in  Rome  decided  to  employ  even  still  harsher  measures 
against  Luther.  Hardly  16  of  the  60  days  had  passed, 
when  without  further  notice  Luther  was  declared  a  her- 
etic and  put  under  the  papal  ban  in  case  he  did  not  recant 
and  immediately  respond  to  the  summons.  Cajetan,  who 
during  these  weeks  represented  the  pope  at  the  Diet  of 
Augsburg  in  15 18,  was  to  get  the  dangerous  Wittenberg- 
monk  into  his  power.  Yes  the  authorities  even  considered 
the  idea  of  proceeding  against  the  Elector  if  he  continued 
to  shield  Luther.  It  seemed  as  if  Luther  were  lost.  But 
God  so  changed  the  political  situation  that  the  pope  sud- 
denly was  obliged  to  depend  on  the  good  will  of  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  if  he  hoped  to  carry  out  his  plans. 
And  the  Elector  improved  the  situation  to  protect  Luther. 
This  was  the  reason  why  the  sentence  which  had  been 
passed  was  not  carried  out,  and  why  Luther,  instead  of 
being  obliged  to  go  to  Rome,  was  permitted  to  defend 
himself  before  Cajetan  at  Augsburg. 

Thus  we  can  see  how  promptly  and  energetically  Rome 
proceeded  against  Luther,  that  the  Dominicans  took  a 
leading  part  in  the  affair,  and  that  Cajetan  had  already 
formed  his  opinion  of  Luther  and  his  teachings  before 
he  met  him  at  Augsburg.  He  is  also  the  author  of  the 
Decretal  on  Indulgence  of  15 18,  and  he  also  provided  for 


64  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

its  German  translation  and  its  wide  circulation  among  the 
German  people. 

We  see  now  especially  what  an  important  role  Elector 
Frederick  the  Wise^^  played  in  the  first  period  of  the 
Reformation,  and  that  Kolde  did  not  estimate  him 
highly  enough.  It  is  true  that  from  the  very  first,  when 
Luther  was  called  to  Heidelberg  in  order  to  be  seized  and 
sent  to  Rome,  he  accorded  Luther  protection,  and  it  seems 
that  he  was  finally  and  completely  won  over  through 
Luther's  great  writings  of  1520.  Brieger  says:  "The 
stand  of  the  Wettinian  was  of  importance  for  the  whole 
further  development  of  the  history  of  the  world."  Next 
to  God,  it  is  due  to  the  religious  conscientiousness  and 
diplomatic  firmness  of  this  really  wise  "Fabius  Cunctator" 
that  the  Reformation  was  not  nipped  in  the  bud.  It  is 
clear  now,  too,  that  up  until  now  the  activity  of  Miltitz 
which  took  place  in  this  period  has  been  entirely  misun- 
derstood. He,  as  far  as  his  intrusion  into  Luther's  trial 
is  concerned,  acted  solely  upon  his  own  initiative,  in  order 
to  hinge  about  a  trial  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Trent,  Because  this  had  become  pretty  well 
known,  it  is  easy  to  understand  why  Luther  cared  so  little 
for  the  promise  to  keep  silence  that  he  gave  Miltitz.^* 

That  the  Disputation  at  Leipzig  had  bearing  on  the 
procedure  against  Luther  is  a  fact  long  ago  established ; 
Seitz,  however,  published  (1903)  this  debate  for  the  first 
time  in  its  authentic  form,  and  Brieger  later  (1909)  dwelt 
on  it  in  a  special  article. ^^ 

In  June,  1520,  the  pope  signed  the  bull  "Exsurge 
Domine,"  in  which  Luther  was  threatened  with  excom- 
munication. It  was  this  bull  that  Luther  burned  on  the 
1 0th  of  December,  1520.  We  now  have  six  sources  relat- 
ing the  burning  of  the  hull.    They  are :    i,  the  exhortation 


Luther's  Theology,  iji/-ijJO  65 

to  the  students  of  Wittenberg  of  the  loth  of  December, 
1520;  2,  Luther's  letter  to  Spalatin,  written  on  the  same 
day ;  3,  the  paper,  "Acta  exustionis  antichristianorum 
decretahum,"  written  by  a  pupil  and  adherent  of  Luther, 
who  was  present  at  the  burning,  and  who  also  heard 
Luther's  speech  during  lectures  the  following  day ;  4,  the 
report  of  the  bishop  of  Brandenburg;  5,  a  sketch  of 
Agricola  of  the  loth  of  December,  who  had  been  present 
at  the  burning — made  accessible  by  Perlbach  in  1907 ;  6, 
the  sketch  of  John  Kessler  in  his  "Sabbata,"  who  had  also 
been  present.  On  the  strength  of  these  sources  it  seems 
probable  to  Clemen  that  Melanchthon  was  the  "magister 
quispiam  baud  incelebris"  who  kindled  the  fire,  and  that 
the  words  with  which  Luther  committed  the  bull  to  the 
flames,  which  had  not  been  clearly  understood  hereto- 
fore, were  not :  "Quia  tu  conturbasti  sanctum  domini, 
Ideoque  te  conturbet  ignis  seternus" — thus  in  the  "Acta" 
— nor:  "quoniam  tu  conturbasti  veritatem  dei,  conturbat 
et  te  hodie  ignem  istum,  amen" — thus  with  Agricola — 
but :  "Because  thou  hast  damned  the  truth  of  God,  there- 
fore He  condemns  thee  to  the  fire.  Amen."  For  that 
reason  it  is  condcmnat  and  condemnasti  instead  of  con- 
turbat and  conturbasti}^ 

10.     A  Few  Points  of  Luther's  Theology,   1517-1520 

It  is  known  that  during  these  affairs  with  Rome  the 
thought  that  the  pope  was  the  Antichrist  gained  more 
and  more  prominence  with  Luther.  In  how  far  he  was 
influenced  in  this  particular  through  mediaeval  thoughts  at 
this  time  Preuss  explains  in  a  measure.  Preuss  also 
recently  offered  a  contribution  toward  answering  the 
question  how  many  actual  mediaeval  beliefs  still  retained 
their  influence  on  Luther  during  this  period." 


66  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

The  investigations  concerning  Luther's  idea  of  repent- 
ance that  are  connected  with  his  Sermo  de  poenitentia 
(1518)  can  not  be  sketched  at  this  time,  but  we  at  least 
refer  to  them,^^  and  state  that  there  is  no  contradiction 
when  Luther,  in  1518,  puts  the  "amor  justitise"  first  and 
the  "poenitentia"  second,  and  when  he  later  on  maintains 
faith  and  love  can  only  arise  after  the  "terrores  con- 
scientise"  have  been  produced,  because  the  viewpoint  is 
an  entirely  different  one. 

By  means  of  Luther's  first  debate  on  ethical  matters 
Stange  aimed  at  emphasizing  the  truth,  that  in  all  of 
Luther's  debates  with  Rome  on  matters  of  faith  there 
were  always  at  the  same  time  ethical  views  of  the  deepest 
importance  involved. ^^ 

In  connection  with  the  circumstance  that  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  Leipzig  Disputation  a  new  idea  or  definition 
of  the  Church  presented  itself  to  Luther,  Rietschel  de- 
voted himself  to  the  question  of  Luther's  definition  of 
Church.^^ 

Through  the  three  great  Reformation  writings  of 
1520^^^  and  through  the  burning  of  the  bull,  Luther  sev- 
ered all  relations  with  Rome,  before  the  real  bull  of  ex- 
communication (Decet  Romanum  Pontificem)  was  an- 
nounced in  Rome  the  2d  of  January,  1521, 

11.    The  Diet  at  Worms 

We  now  understand  much  better  the  Diet  of  Worms 
and  everything  connected  with  it.  After  Kolde  wrote 
his  excellent  monogravure  in  1883,  A.  Wrede  presented 
us  with  the  complete  minutes  of  the  Diet  whereas  Brieger 
and  Kalkoff  devoted  themselves  especially  to  the  study  of 
Aleander's  dispatches.*'^  Already  Kolde  and  later  on 
Baumgarten    had   used    these    dispatches   of    the    papal 


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■^  >v«*V  ^^N'  f  .iiipi4^»f3biu-J:i><vrCjn^n^^arar:oiKry^a4&tcfcifii»f  f»t*nf'iftCir<>s:€a5:i ' '^   •',/■'■ 

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jf  o:ir.3  abfolotionic  toncjit'  qoon'CTo  m  vitc- . 

•  ■■;  '  ■  /  "    , 


Letter  of  indulgence  for  tlie  Iienetit  oi  building  St.  Peter's  Church  at 
i\ome  made  out  for  the  widow  Katharina  von  Trebra  at  Gehofen  and 
her  sons,  Hans  and  Konrad  in  the  name  of  the  archbishop  of  Mainz 
on  the  third  day  of  March.  1517,  signed  by  the  notary  i)ul)lic  Heinricus 
Kappe.     With   seal   attached. 


The  Diet  at  Worms  67 

nuncio  Aleander  as  the  main  authority  in  Luther  research 
work  as  far  as  this  diet  was  concerned.  Brieger  pre- 
sented these  letters  by  using  the  manuscript  of  Trent  and 
by  comparing  it  with  the  original  jottings  of  Aleander — 
in  the  archives  of  the  Vatican  at  Rome — and  thus  an- 
swered the  question  as  to  their  chronological  sequence. 
But  it  was  Kalkoff  who  in  1886  gave  them  to  the  world 
in  a  trustworthy  translation,  which  because  of  their  orig- 
inal text — half  Italian,  half  Latin — made  them  accessible 
for  the  first  time  to  wider  circles.  Written  by  an  excellent 
judge  of  men  who  was  directly  influenced  by  the  great 
events  and  who  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  excitement  and 
tension  occasioned  by  the  fight,  entirely  unreserved  in  his 
estimate  of  men  and  conditions,  these  dispatches  of 
Aleander  to  the  vice-chancellor,  Julius  de  Medici,  later 
on  Clement  VII,  allowed  their  writer  to  give  full  play 
to  his  wagging  tongue,  and  revealed  unabashedly  the  in- 
spirations of  his  unscrupulous  wit,  the  arousing  of  his 
fanatical  hate  and  the  little  expression  of  his  egotism,  of 
his  wounded  vanity,  cowardice  and  meanness.  Thus  these 
dispatches  bring  home  to  us  fully  how  severe  a  test  these 
days  were  for  Luther  and  the  business  of  God's  King- 
dom. Aleander  tried  everything  to  prevent  Luther  from 
being  invited  to  the  Diet,  and  when  this  failed,  he  again 
used  every  means  to  make  Luther's  appearance  as  harm- 
less as  possible. 

Kolde  has  closely  investigated  the  Emperor's  Herald, 
Kasper  Sturm,  who  escorted  Luther  to  Worms,*"'  and  so 
has  made  us  acquainted  with  him  for  the  first  time.  At 
the  same  time  he  has  also  made  it  appear  probable  that 
it  was  no  other  than  this  herald  who  wrote  the  first 
anonymous  circular,  which  within  a  brief  space  of  time 
reported  Luther's  trial. 


68  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

Groessler,  and  later  Spitta,  have  again  broken  a  lance 
in  behalf  of  the  belief  that  Luther  composed  his  hymn 
"Ein'  feste  Burg  ist  unser  Gott"  on  his  way  to  Worms — 
cf.  what  follows. 

The  reports  concerning  the  treating  with  Luther  here 
can  be  found  in  the  "Reichstagsakten"  by  Wrede,  with 
which  the  work  of  Kalkoff  is  to  be  compared. 

As  is  known,  Luther  defined  his  decisive  answer  as 
one  '^without  horns  and  without  teeth"  a  responsum 
neque  cornutum  neque  dentatum.  Meissinger  directs 
close  attention  to  this  answer  in  a  special  article.  He  is 
entirely  convinced  that  Luther  formulated  his  answer  in 
Latin.  Whether  he  repeated  it  in  German  we,  according 
to  Meissinger,  do  not  know ;  at  all  events  we  have  no 
German  text.  Luther  thought  in  Latin  when  he  used  the 
expression,  "neque  cornutum  neque  dentatum."  The  offi- 
cial of  the  Emperor's  court  had  required  of  Luther  a 
"responsum  non  cornutum,"  having  in  mind  with  this  an 
old  word  used  in  Logic,  an  expression  of  a  "syllogismus 
cornutus"  ;  therefore  he  wanted  an  answer  that  was  devoid 
of  ambiguity  and  sophistry. ^'^  Luther  accepts  this  word  and 
says :  "Yes,  I  shall  give  you  a  responsum  non  cornutum, 
as  you  demand  it."  But  because  this  expression  cornutus 
reminds  Luther  of  the  student  who,  according  to  their 
initiation  ceremony,  had  horns  placed  upon  his  head  and 
then  again  taken  off,  when  he  lost  his  position,  and  be- 
cause that  student  was  also  represented  as  a  monster  with 
huge  teeth,  Luther  enlarges  upon  the  words  of  the  official 
of  the  court,  saying:  "I  shall  not  only  give  you  an 
answer  devoid  of  ambiguity  and  sophistry,  but  one  that 
is  also  lacking  in  the  horns  and  teeth,  known  from  the 
students'  ceremonial."  It  seems,  as  if  suddenly  a  mood 
of  spirited  recklessness  possessed  Luther.    This  explana- 


The  Diet  at  Worms  69 

tion  may  appear  strange  at  first  sight,  but  it  fits  in  well 
with  the  Spanish  report  on  these  events — "Reichstags- 
akten"  II.  636,  20 — in  which  we  are  told  that  Luther 
left  the  place  in  a  joyous,  even  petulant  mood. 

The  other  and  much  more  important  expression  used 
by  Luther  in  his  speech :  "Convictus  tcstimoniis  scrip- 
tiirarum  ant  ratione  cvidcnte,"  has  given  use  to  all  sorts 
of  speculations.  In  consequence  of  this  the  conclusion 
has  been  drawn  that  Luther  at  this  time  during  the  climax 
of  his  activity,  recognized  two  entirely  independent  au- 
thorities or  sources  for  the  certainty  of  salvation,  Holy 
Scriptures  and  natural  reason.  On  the  one  hand  it  was 
inferred  herefrom  that  Luther  is  the  father  of  liberal 
Protestantism,  whose  source  of  knowledge  is  not  only 
the  Bible  but  also  reason ;  on  the  other  hand,  that  in  this 
point  lies  the  necessary  progress  made  at  the  Wartburg 
since  the  days  of  Worms ;  that  in  the  quiet  of  the  Wart- 
burg it  dawned  upon  Luther,  that  the  Bible  could  be  the 
only  source  of  the  certainty  of  salvation.  Only  those  can 
speak  in  this  manner,  who  are  but  casually  acquainted 
with  the  Luther  of  Worms,  for  the  sola  script  lira  had 
been  an  established  fact  for  him  much  earlier.  At  all 
events,  it  was  a  valuable  service  that  Preuss  rendered  us 
through  his  investigation  concerning  this  expression,  pub- 
lished in  1909.*'°  He  gives  the  uses  of  alitor itas  (scrip- 
tura)  et  ratio,  before  Luther,  then  carefully  analyses  them 
by  giving  Luther's  use  of  them  up  to  1521,  according  to 
which  ratio  not  only  represented  to  Luther,  in  general, 
the  power  to  think,  nor  is  it  to  him  only  a  name  for  the 
method  of  thinking  inherent  to  the  natural  man  in  con- 
tradiction to  spiritus,  gratia,  cvangelium,  etc.,  but  in 
reality  also  a  name  for  logical  conclusions,  for  logical 
deductions   from  acknowledged  premises.     In  this   last 


yo  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

sense  he  used  this  word  at  Worms : — he  demands  to  be 
convinced  through  the  words  of  Holy  Scriptures  or 
through  such  conclusions  as  necessarily  must  be  deducted 
from  what  has  been  stated  in  Scriptures,  before  he  will 
retract. 

It  is  by  no  means  certain  what  Luther's  concluding 
remarks  were.  The  well  known  word,  "Here  I  stand,  I 
cannot  otherzvise;  God  help  me!  Amen,"  are  only  to  be 
found  in  a  few,  not  especially  trustworthy,  sources. 
Lately  K.  Mueller,""  especially,  investigated  what  the 
original  might  have  been,  after  it  had  already  been  the 
object  of  researches — for  instance,  by  Koestlin,  Kolde, 
Burckhardt,  et  al.  According  to  Mueller  these  conclud- 
ing words  consisted  very  likely  in  only,  "God  help  me ! 
Amen."  These  hardly  sound  as  defiant  as  those  formerly 
accepted,  but  the  main  thought  in  Luther's  speech  is  not 
these  words,  but  that  which  precedes  them,  and  of  that  we 
are  absolutely  certain.  Thus  we  see  Luther  now  as  the 
herald  of  a  freedom  of  conscience  conditioned  alone  by 
the  Word  of  God,  a  man  who  has  ushered  in  a  new  era. 

How  Frederick  the  Wise  through  masterful  silence  and 
delays  in  decisions  protected  Luther  and  how  Aleander 
worked  toward  the  proclamation  of  the  Edict  of  Worms, 
can  be  understood  best  through  the  study  of  Kalkoff,^" 
although  Brieger  has  also  done  his  share  in  this  direction. 
Kalkoflf  has  also  described  the  influence  exercised  upon 
the  events  by  Capito,  and,  therefore,  by  the  Archbishop 
Albrecht.  He  also  has  proven  that  it  was  none  other  than 
the  humanist,  Herman  von  der  Busche,  who  was  the  mov- 
ing factor  in  the  proclamation  of  the  "Lutherans," 
through  which  the  attempt  was  made  to  counteract  the 
edict  on  the  20th  of  April.  When  the  edict,  under  a 
questionable  date,  had  been  published  with  the  appear- 


Title  page  of  the  book  'Von  der  babylonischen  Gefangenschaft  der 
Kirche',   1520. 


Luther  on  the  Warthurg  71 

ance  of  having  been  accepted  by  the  complete  representa- 
tion of  the  Empire,"^  Luther  had  long  since  been  made  a 
captive  on  his  way  home  and  carried  to  safety  in  the 
Wartburg  in  accordance  with  a  plan  of  which  he  was 
informed  already  in  Worms — cf.  the  letter  which  he 
wrote  at  Frankfurt  to  Cranach. 

12.      Luther  on  the  Wartburg 

Concerning  the  importance  of  Luther's  sojourn  at  the 
Wartburg  we  have  a  good  dissertation  from  the  pen  of 
the  able  historian  Max  Lenz."^ 

At  the  Wartburg  Luther  began  to  translate  the  Bible 
into  German.  It  was  W.  Walther,  who  for  the  first  time 
made  us  acquainted  with  what  the  declining  Middle  Ages 
possessed  in  the  way  of  German  Bibles  in  a  methodically 
correct  and  very  thorough  manner.  It  was  a  truly 
monumental  work  that  Walther  gave  us  in  his  "Die 
deutsche  Bibeluebersetzung  des  Mittelalters,"  1889- 
1902.  Together  with  202  manuscripts  Walther  brings  to 
light,  from  the  55  years,  1466-1521,  18  complete,  printed 
German  Bibles,  22  Psalteries  and  12  printed  productions 
of  other  biblical  books.  With  this  enough  material  was 
placed  at  our  disposal  to  answer  the  question,  whether 
Luther's  translation  was  original  work  or  only  a  revision 
of  older  German  Bibles.  A  resumption  of  this  not  exactly 
modern  question  was  again  necessitated  through  the  ac- 
tivity of  the  church  historian  Krafft  in  Bonn,  1883,*^-  who 
contended  that  the  latter  answer  was  the  correct  one,  and 
whose  contention  was  at  once  spread  all  over  by  the 
Catholic  Church  as  the  absolute  result  of  investigation — 
cf.,  especially  the  article  on  Dietenberger,  that  Wedewer 
wrote  in  1884  for  the  Catholic  "Kirchenlexicon  von 
Wetzer  u.   Welte,"   and   his   monogravure   of    1888   on 


72  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

Dietenberger.  The  Catholic  Church  wished  at  the  same 
time  to  hide  from  view  the  unwelcome  yet  absolute  truth 
that  the  Catholic  Bibles  of  the  i6th  century  by  Emser 
and  Dietenberger  are  only  thinly-veiled  copies  of  Luther's 
translation  made  to  conform  to  the  Vulgata ;  it  could  even 
contend  that  this  "deadly  parallel"  between  the  Catholic 
Bibles  and  Luther's  translation  was  not  a  sign  of  their 
dependency  upon  Luther,  but  rather  the  proof  that  they 
had  used  the  same  source  as  Luther,  namely,  the  German 
Bible  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

This  beautiful  theory  was  then  so  thoroughly  exploded 
by  W.  Walther**"  that  we  can  hardly  understand  how  an 
American  church  historian,  who  demands  to  be  taken  at 
face  value  and  who  contends  that  he  can  give  an  entirely 
different  meaning  to  the  Reformation  by  reason  of  his 
completely  exhaustive  study  of  all  possible  sources,  dares 
to  revive  once  more  this  old  question  in  almost  childish 
fashion.*'^  Either  he  never  made  the  acquaintance  of 
Walther's  production  or  he  did  not  let  its  truth  sink  in 
deeply  enough.  For  Walther  shows  how  just  in  all  those 
places,  where  the  use  of  the  mediaeval  Bible  through 
Luther  must  have  shown  itself,  granted  that  Luther  used 
it  at  all, — for  example,  in  difficult  passages, — that  just 
there  entirely  different  translations  are  to  be  found,  dif- 
ferent not  only  as  to  the  words  used,  but  also  as  to  the 
method  of  translation  in  respect  to  style  as  well  as  to 
syntax.  Parallels  only  show  themselves  there  where  the 
renderings — especially  in  the  historical  books — might,  be- 
cause of  their  nature,  be  alike,  without  being  copied.  If 
Luther  really  was  acquainted  with  the  Bible  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  he  did  not  use  it.  During  the  first  phase  of  his 
translation  work,  and  the  one  that  gave  the  work  its 
characteristics,  he  was  not  acquainted  with  it,  as  we  can 


Luther  on  the  Warthurg  73 

state  with  a  reasonable  degree  of  definiteness.  Only  later 
he  became  acquainted  with  it,  and  then,  as  we  can  see 
now,  in  his  revisions  and  corrections  he  occasionally  sup- 
planted his  own  word  with  one  from  it. 

Keyssner®-  had  already  before  Walther  compared  the 
three  versions  of  the  Psalters  from  1524,  1528  and  1531 
with  each  other,  and  in  this  way  made  interesting  dis- 
coveries as  to  Luther's  translatory  activities.  Kawerau 
says  concerning  this:  "Keyssner  shows  how  Luther,  in 
his  sympathy  for  rhythm  in  language,  fairly  searches  for 
an  expression  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  a  Psalm,  that 
recommends  itself  because  of  its  depth  of  meaning  and 
euphony.  He  shows  how  Luther,  with  his  intuitive  sense 
for  the  right  term,  chooses  from  the  synonyms  that  are 
at  his  fingertips,  how  he  translates  the  alien  illustrations 
of  the  Oriental  so  that  they  are  understood  by  the  Ger- 
man mind  or  how  he  entirely  discards  them,  in  order  to 
create  the  Bible  for  the  Germans." 

Before  Luther  began  with  the  translation  of  the  New 
Testament  he  completed  the  first  parts  of  his  Epistle  and 
Gospel  Postil.  G.  Bossert  and  Koehler"*  have  treated  of 
the  origin  of  this  Wartburg  Postil  in  thoroughgoing- 
investigations  ;  later  on  Koehler  edited  it  as  a  part  of 
the  Weimar  Edition  in  exemplary  fashion  (Vol.  X,  i). 
In  Vol.  X,  2,  he  will  give  us  a  valuable  introduction. 

To  the  time  of  Luther's  sojourn  at  the  Wartburg  also 
belongs  his  writing  on  the  vozvs  of  the  monks.  Scheel'^'' 
not  only  edited  this  work  in  German,  as  has  been  stated 
before,  but  he  also  furnished  for  it  a  very  careful  com- 
mentary, which  played  great  havoc  with  the  contentions 
of  Denifle  against  Luther,  based  on  this  work  of  Luther. 

So  much  of  that  which  we  know  from  Luther's  Wart- 
burg sojourn  explains   that   Luther  was  by   no  means 


74  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

entirely  free  from  the  vulgar  superstitions  of  his  time, 
although  we  also  know  that  this  circumstance  does  by  no 
means  entirely  explain  many  of  the  things  that  come  into 
consideration  here.  Just  this  influence  that  the  vulgar 
superstitions  exercised  upon  Luther,  Klingner^*  made  the 
object  of  special  study.  He  shows  how  these  ideas,  by 
no  means,  caused  him  to  appear  contemptible,  but  how 
in  reality  his  firm  belief  in  the  reality  of  the  Devil, 
through  whom  God  inflicts  his  salutary  punishments  upon 
man,  and  how  his  idea  of  the  mightiness  of  Satan  were 
for  Luther  a  stimulant  for  a  continual  fight  against  evil, 
as  he  found  it  within  and  without  himself,  and  an  incen- 
tive for  the  good,  for  the  perfection  of  others  and  himself. 
Therefore  they  are  integral  parts  of  the  religious  side 
of  his  personality  and  closely  interwoven  with  the  work 
of  his  career.  How  insufficient  this  view  of  Klingner 
may  be,  for  according  to  Scripture  the  idea  of  the  Devil 
is  neither  only  a  vulgar  superstition  nor  only  a  term  used 
in   pedagogical   interests,   we   nevertheless   welcome   his 

writing. 

13.     Luther  and  the  Scriptures 

One  can  not  well  differentiate  between  Luther's  resi- 
dence on  the  Wartburg  and  his  attitude  towards  the 
Scriptures.  Not,  indeed,  because  Luther  here  learned  to 
look  upon  the  Scriptures  in  a  new  relation,  so  that  not 
until  now  they  became  for  him  the  only  source  of  re- 
ligious knowledge.  This  proposition  already  crumbles 
into  dust  in  view  of  the  sources  that  were  generally  avail- 
able prior  to  1883,  and  to  maintain  it  now  is  to  become 
guilty  of  an  historical  falsification  for  the  sake  of  one's 
construction.  Undritz  already  wrote  a  splendid  article 
on  the  development  of  the  Scripture  principle  with 
Luther    during    the    earlier    years    of    the    Reforma- 


Luther  and  the  Scriptures  75 

tion.  But  it  is  Preuss  who  in  a  perfectly  trustworthy  way 
suffers  us  to  follow  this  development  to  the  minutest 
detail.  He  begins  with  the  rule  which  Staupitz,  1504,  laid 
down  in  his  statutes  for  cloisters :  "The  novice  shall 
gladly  read  the  Scriptures,  devoutly  hear  them,  and  dili- 
gently learn  them,"  and  closes  with  a  searching  investi- 
gation of  the  statements  made  by  Luther  at  the  Leipzig 
Disputation,  15 19.  To  follow  Luther  farther  than  to  this 
point  is  unnecessary,  for  with  the  Leipzig  Disputation  the 
Reformer  had  actually  reached  the  position  from  which 
he  did  not  deviate  the  rest  of  his  life.  viz. :  The  Scrip- 
tures are  the  only  source  of  religious  knowledge.  Already 
in  1518  he  wrote:  "Even  if  all  the  holy  teachers  had 
held  this  or  that,  they  are  as  nothing  over  against  one 
single  passage  from  the  Scriptures"  (Weimar  Ed.  i,  page 
384).  The  last  day  of  the  Leipzig  Disputation  his  final 
statement  was  his  confession  of  the  authority  of  the 
Scriptures,  for  he  concludes :  Doleo,  quod  d.d.  ita  pro- 
funde  penetrat  scripturas  siciit  tippiila  aquas:  Inimo 
videtiir  fitgere  a  facie  carnm  sicut  diabolus  crncem,  quare 
salvis  revcrentiis  patrum  praefero  ego  auctoritatem  scrip- 
turac,  quod  commendo  judicibus  futuris  (Weim.  Ed.  2, 
p.  382).  In  his  "Contra  malignum  L  Eccii  judicium  M. 
Lutheri  Defensio"  of  the  same  year  he  proves  this  his 
position  over  against  the  Scriptures  with  the  declaration 
of  their  inerrancy,  for  he  reaffirms  the  words  of  St. 
Augustine :  Ego  soils  eis  lihris,  qui  canonici  appellantur, 
hunc  honorem  deferre  didici,  ut  nulluni  scriptorem  eorum 
errasse  firmissime  credatn  (Weim.  Ed.  2,  p.  626  ff.).  In 
his  "Operationes  in  psalmos"  of  1519  he  already  made  the 
famous  declaration:  "Quid  est  papa?  quid  mundus?  quid 
princeps  mundi?  ut  propter  emn  veritatem  evangelii,  pro 
'  qua  Christus  mortuus  est,   negem.     Valeat,   qui  valet; 


y^  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

pereat,  qui  perit;  ego  sic  sentiam  deo  propitio  semper 
(Weim.  Ed.  5,  p.  452).®*^  The  question  "Scripture  or 
reason,"  as  well  as  the  combination  "Scripture  and  rea- 
son," were  a  priori  impossible  for  him  a  disciple  of 
Occam,  for  with  Occam  he  looked  upon  the  human 
"ratio"  as  the  most  uncertain  factor.  Kropatscheck  and 
especially  Seeberg  have  emphatically  asserted  this,  and 
their  assertion  has  been  ably  seconded  by  O.  Ritschl.''** 

It  is  quite  another  question  at  what  time  and  in  which 
measure  the  Scriptures  became  of  importance  for 
Luther's  personal  religious  life.  His  lectures  on  the 
Psalms  and  especially  on  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  now 
put  us  in  a  position  to  gain  more  reliable  data.  Scheel, 
Thimnie,  O.  Ritschl,  and  Tschackert  inform  us  on  this 
score.  ''Tota  justitia  hominis  ad  salutem  pendet  ex  verba 
per  fidem;"  "Vera  justitia  fit  credendo  ex  toto  corde 
verbis  Dei;"  "Quando  vcrbo  eius  credimus.  Per  tale 
credere  nos  justificat  i.e.  justos  reputat;"  "Sola  reputa- 
tione  miserentis  Dei  per  fidem  verbi  eius  justi  sumus" 
we  already  read  in  his  lectures  of  the  Romans.  The 
gospel  for  him  is  no  longer  the  "nova  lex"  as  during  the 
whole  of  the  Middle  Ages,  but  the  means  of  grace,  "nun- 
tius  bonus."^'^^ 

We  now  can  readily  trace  how  he  gradually  progressed 
from  the  allegorical  interpretation  of  Scripture  to  the  his- 
torical, which  emphasizes  the  "sensus  literalis,"  even 
though  he  never  fully  abandoned  the  former.  Zoeckler, 
Grundt,  and  Eger  have  discussed  this  as  well  as  his  posi- 
tion to  the  Old  Testament.  Not  later  than  1520  we 
already  read  the  sentence :  "Scriptura  sacra  ipsa  per  se 
sui  ipsius  interpres"  (Erl.  Ed.  v.  n.  5,  p.  160).  Espe- 
cially in  his  book  against  Emser,  1521,  he  energetically 
defends  the  "grammatical"  or  "historical"  sense  of  the 


Luther  and  the  Scriptures  yy 

Scriptures  as  the  only  correct  sense.  "The  Holy  Ghost 
is  the  simplest  writer  and  speaker  in  heaven  or  earth ; 
hence  His  words  can  not  have  more  than  one  simplest 
meaning,  which  we  call  the  written  or  literal  sense  (Zun- 
gensinn)."  "The  Scriptures  must  not  have  a  twofold 
meaning,  but  must  retain  only  the  one  expressed  by  the 
words"  (Erl.  Ed.  2y,  p.  259-262).*'^'^ 

How  the  attempt  has  been  made  to  get  much  capital 
for  a  freer  position  of  Luther  towards  the  Scriptures  out 
of  his  expressions  concerning  James,  Hebrews,  the 
Apocalypse,  etc.,  is  well  known.  But  it  is  scientific  levity 
to  do  so.  Careful  research  will  ever  find,  that  the  books 
recognized  by  him  as  canonical,  under  all  conditions  were 
regarded  by  him  as  the  authoritative  Word  of  God,  but 
that  he  dififerentiated  between  these  and  such  which  he 
did  not  without  more  ado  accept  as  God's  Word,  simply 
because  he  did  not  regard  them  as  canonical.  It  is  a 
matter,  therefore,  of  two  entirely  different  spheres.  For 
this  reason  it  is  not  correct  to  ascribe  to  the  former  what 
is  said  of  the  latter.  That  Luther  in  his  doubts  over  the 
canonicity  of  this  or  that  book  during  the  transition  period 
from  the  Middle  Ages  to  the  Reformation  did  not  stand 
alone,  that  the  conception  of  canonical  writings  was  not  a 
firmly  fixed  conception  as  it  largely  is  today,  is  clearly 
shown  by  Walther  and  Leipold,  whilst  Walther  and 
Kawerau  have  also  investigated  the  question  of  Luther's 
(and  other's)  final  opinion  of  James.*** 

What  position  did  Luther  take  towards  the  writings 
recognized  by  him  as  canonical,  did  he  merely  assert  their 
inerrancy  in  religious  matters  or  also  extend  this  to  his- 
torical, physical,  etc.,  matters?  Walther  in  Rostock  has 
shown  that  Luther's  position  here,  too,  was  much  more 
conservative  than  nearly  all  presentations  care  to  admit.®** 


yS  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

If  time  and  strength  permit,  the  writer  will  express 
himself  more  in  detail  on  Luther  and  the  Scriptures  in  the 
near  future,  in  order  on  his  part  to  preclude  the  attempt 
even  of  theologians  of  the  American  Lutheran  Church 
to  defend  their  own  lax  positions  over  against  the  Scrip- 
tures by  appealing  to  Luther. 

Even  though  Luther's  residence  on  the  Wartburg  did 
not  in  any  way  involve  a  new  position  of  the  reformer 
towards  the  Scriptures,  yet  the  undisturbed  and  careful 
study  of  the  same,  which  he  here  could  undertake,  could 
only  fortify  the  position  which  he  had  already  gained. 

14.     Luther  and  the  German  Language 

Since  the  question  concerning  Luther's  influence  on  the 
German  language  is  closely  related  with  the  question  con- 
cerning Luther's  Bible,  and  Luther's  work  on  the  Ger- 
man Bible  began  with  so  much  promise  on  the  Wartburg, 
the  most  important  results  of  the  work  done  during  the 
past  thirty-five  years  to  get  a  better  understanding  of  this 
phase  of  Luther's  life  work,  may  be  noted  at  this  place. 

In  1868  the  .Catholic  V.  Hasak  published  his  book : 
"Der  christliche  Glaube  des  deutschen  Volkes  beim 
Schlusz  des  Mittelalters  dargestellt  in  deutschen  Sprach- 
denkmalen."  By  means  of  this  collection  of  sources  he 
attempts  to  show  that  the  claim,  Luther  is  the  creator  of 
modern  High  German,  is  entirely  without  foundation  in 
fact.  Others,  both  before  and  since,  for  inst.  the  well 
known  Scherer,  and  Hasak  himself  in  his  later  work: 
"Dr.  M.  Luther  und  die  religioese  Literatur  seiner  Zeit 
bis  zum  Jahre  1520"  (Regensburg,  1881)  assumed  the 
same  position.  And,  of  course,  all  those  writers  who 
think  that  Luther's  Bible  translation  rests  on  the  pre- 
Lutheran  German  versions   (compare  IV,  12  and  foot- 


Luther  and  the  German  Language  79 

notes  62  and  63)  are  of  the  same  opinion.  For  the  Roman 
CathoHc  Hterary  historian  Anselm  Salzer  (Illustrierte 
Geschichte  der  deutschen  Literatur,  Muenchen,  1906,  ff.) 
this  matter  is  settled.  And  Gutjahr  also  strongly  operates 
with  a  modern  High  German  unity  in  language  ("Einheits- 
sprache")  prior  to  Luther.  The  one-sided  manner  in 
which  in  certain  sections  the  "fact  is  emphasized  that  the 
'language-unifying  process  began  long  before  Luther  and 
was  ended  long  after  him'  already  threatens  to  lead  to  an 
undervaluation  of  Luther's  merits  on  this  score  before 
these  are  even  fully  understood,"  R.  Neubauer  wrote  in 
1903.  In  opposition  to  the  well  known  saying  of  Jacob 
Grimm :  "Luther's  language  because  of  its  almost  won- 
derful purity  and  powerful  influence  must  be  regarded 
as  the  very  pith  and  marrow  of  the  new  High  German 
language  deposit,  in  which  to  the  present  day  there  has 
been  very  little  variation,  and  then  only  at  the  expense  of 
its  power  and  expressiveness.  The  new  High  German 
can  indeed  be  termed  the  Protestant  dialect,  whose  free- 
dom breathing  nature  has  long  since,  unknown  to  them- 
selves, conquered  poets  and  authors  of  Catholic  faith," — 
this  lofty  evaluation  of  the  services  of  Luther  in  behalf 
of  the  German  language  has  been  characterized  as  a 
"Protestant'  legend"  (compare  P.  Pietsch,  Luther's 
Werke,  Weimar  Ed.  12,  p.  VH). 

Among  the  men  who  have  carefully  investigated  this 
question  Burdach  and  Pietsch,  the  Germanistic  co-laborer 
in  the  Weimar  Luther  edition,  deserve  especial  mention. 
The  most  and  the  best  which  Protestant  theologians  in 
their  scientific  works  on  Luther's  Bible  adduce  from  the 
philological  point  of  view  can  directly  or  indirectly  be 
traced,  according  to  Risch,  to  the  work  by  Pietsch, 
"Luther    und    die    neuhoch    deutsche    Schriftsprache" 


8o  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

(Breslau,  1883).  This  amply  characterizes  the  import- 
ance of  this  publication.  Next  to  Burdach  and  Pietsch 
the  brief  but  carefully  weighed  and  splendidly  instructive 
dissertation  of  Neubauer  demands  special  consideration. 
It  contains  so  splendid  a  characterization  of  the  language 
of  the  Reformer  that  we  have  appended  it  almost  un- 
abridged*^**^ in  the  foot  notes.  And  Risch  enlarges  cfn  all 
of  the  pertinent  questions,  putting  into  bold  relief  the 
problems  in  questions  and  also  detailing  the  work  still  to 
be  undertaken.^""' 

That  Luther  did  not  rrewly  create  the  language  which 
he  used  as  far  as  its  externals,  its  grammatical  cloak,  is 
concerned,  is  evident.  He  himself  also  says  so.  In  this 
sense  a  single  individual  can  not  create  a  language.  He 
meant  to  be  understood  by  the  German  people  and  this 
conditioned  the  existing  language  as  his  starting  point. 
And  he  studied  it,  if  ever  it  was  studied.  The  spoken, 
written,  and  printed  language  of  his  people  was  ever 
during  his  lifetime  the  object  of  his  closest  observation 
and  study.  As  late  as  1 536  he  instructs  Linck  to  purchase 
everything  of  "German  pictures,  rimes,  songs,  books, 
master-songs"  to  be  had  in  Nuernberg,  and  send  it  to 
him  for  the  purpose  of  study.  He  compiled  a  collection 
of  German  adages  for  himself,  which  was  first  edited  for 
us  by  E.  Thiele.  He  listened  and  learned  from  the  Ger- 
man people  what  was  to  be  learned.®*^ 

Modern  research  has  ever  more  shown  how  much  of 
German  literature  was  in  existence  prior  to  Luther.  Of 
course  the  lifted  treasures  have  not  yet  been  carefully 
sifted  and  studied.  Yet  Kluge,  Pietsch,  Daumer,  Schuett, 
Boehme,  and  others  have  begun  to  study  this  field.  The 
limits  of  this  research  work,  however,  must  ever  be  more 
extended.    The  question,  just  in  how  far  the  various  Ger- 


Luther  and  the  German  Language  8i 

man  chief  dialects  prior  to  Luther  have  found  a  unifica- 
tion ("Einigungssprache")  has  been  made  the  subject  of 
careful  research  by  Burdach.  Virgil  Moser,  1909,  has 
collected  everything  what  research  work  has  thus  far 
evolved.  Yet  he  is  not  quite  just  to  the  linguistic  import- 
ance of  Luther.  And  that  Gutjahr  succeeded  in  an  even 
lesser  degree  has  already  been  mentioned.  Alfred  Goetze 
essayed  the  attempt  to  create  an  "Early  High  German 
Glossary"  on  the  basis  of  independent  reading  and  de- 
tailed study  of  the  early  High  German  literature  and 
the  various  dictionaries  of  Swiss,  Bavarian,  Alsatian, 
Suebian,  etc.,  dialects,  a  work  which  notwithstanding  its 
brevity  we  always  used  with  profit.*'*'' 

And  now  in  what  relation  does  Luther's  language  stand 
to  the  language  prior  to  him?  Did  he  simply  receive 
it  and  pass  it  on  ?  Or  did  it  become  a  new  language  under 
his  hands,  which  became  the  standard  for  the  future? 
Did  he  take  some  particular  dialect  and  develop  it,  leaving 
aside  whatever  of  good  and  beautiful  is  contained  in  the 
others,  thereby  consigning  them  to  lingering  death?  Or 
did  he  take  the  good  and  beautiful  and  assimilate  it, 
thereby  giving  it  residence  in  the  German  language? 
Burdach  answers :  "Luther's  genius  was  the  'awakening 
sun'  that  shone  over  the  development  of  the  modern  High 
German."  Pietsch  in  the  preface  to  volume  XH  of  the 
Weimar  edition,  1891,  says:  "One  of  the  most  important 
phases  of  the  national  importance  of  Luther  is  doubtless 
to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  with  his  care  and  his  influence 
he  strengthened  the  young  shoot  of  the  common  language 
to  such  an  extent  that  it  gradually  grew  to  a  tree  over- 
shadowing the  whole  of  Germany. "^*^ 

Neubauer  arrives  at  the  same  conclusion.  He  writes : 
"Ever  since  the  13th  century  the  need  became  apparent. 


82  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

and  various  circumstances  during  the  14th  and  15th  cen- 
turies tended  to  a  unification  of  language:  the  ground 
was  prepared.  And  this  all  the  more  so,  since  that  very- 
German,  which  through  Luther's  pioneer  work  was  des- 
tined to  be  the  mediator,  the  Middle  German,  had  since 
the  14th  century,  where  the  literary  center  of  gravity  had 
shifted  from  the  South  to  Middle  Germany,  received  a 
greater  literary  importance  than  in  the  past  and  more 
and  more  had  assimilated  upper  German  elements.  The 
ground  was  prepared.  It  only  needed  the  awakening 
sun.  And  we  owe  it  to  the  masterful  personality  of 
Luther,  his  stupendous  genius  for  language,  the  skillful 
selection  in  the  use  of  his  language  and  its  masterful 
manipulation  in  his  Germanizing  of  the  Bible,  the  pro- 
found influence  and  the  astounding  dissemination  of  the 
latter,  which  soon  became  a  popular  book — originally  dili- 
gently read  and  re-read  by  thousands  for  the  sake  of  its 
contents,  but  like  a  secret  master  of  language  doing  in 
quiet  a  slow  but  successful  work  in  house  and  hut — that 
the  incipient  movement  making  for  a  unification  of  lan- 
guage increased  in  momentum,  and  that  "Luther's  Ger- 
man" finally  became  the  unifying  language  for  literature 
and  cultured  intercourse.  In  so  far  Luther  is  the  founder 
of  the  modern  High  German  language.  On  the  one  hand 
he  gave  to  his  language  a  certain  type,  which  embodying, 
as  it  did,  certain  elements  of  different  dialects,  afforded 
a  possibility  for  further  and  more  comprehensive  lin- 
guistic unification,  and  on  the  other  hand  his  genius  quick- 
ened this  language,  enriched  it,  gave  it  flesh  and  spirit  and 
life,  and  thus  enabled  it  to  discharge  the  lofty  duty  that 
fell  to  its  lot"  (1.  c.  p.  8). 

At  another  place  Neubauer  says :    "In  truth  there  was 
no  book  prior  to  Luther  in  which  'the  kind  of  German 


Luther  and  the  German  Language  83 

language  was  contained.'  During  three  centuries  the 
language  was  neglected,  crude,  inflexible ;  degenerate  in 
forms  and  syntax,  irregular  and  without  deeper  spirit, 
it  lacked  the  ability  for  expressing  the  finer  and  more 
delicate  sentiments,  it  lacked  soul  and  nobility.  For  this 
reason  the  more  refined,  the  humanists  looked  upon  it  as 
'barbarous'  and  felt  scandalized  to  use  it.* 

Even  those  who  spoke  and  wrote  the  most  elegant  and 
artistic  Latin,  men  like  Erasmus,  Melanchthon,  and  even 
Hutten,  wrote  a  crude  and  defective  German.  And  the 
language  was  blamed  for  what  was  due  only  to  personal 
incapacity,  a  scholarship  that  weaned  away  from  nation- 
ality, or  a  lack  of  heart  for  one's  own  people  and  language. 
With  Luther  things  took  a  turn.  In  him  the  master  had 
arisen,  who  recognized  that  the  German  language  pos- 
sesses all  those  elements  which  were  regarded  as  lacking, 
and  that  it  only  remained  for  some  one  to  bring  them  to 
the  light  of  day.  He  recognized  the  princess  in  the 
scorned  Cinderella,  rescued  her  from  her  despised  hum- 
bleness, rinsed  her  beautiful  eyes  and  noble  countenance 
of  the  ashes  and  the  dirt  of  common  servitude,  took  from 
her  her  vile  rags,  clothed  and  decorated  her  in  the  habili- 
ments of  wealth  and  royalty,  so  that  her  inherent  walk 
and  attitude  of  quality,  her  beauty,  virility,  and  elasticity 
of  youth,  and  her  entire  nobility  became  radiantly  ap- 
parent.    And  the  despised  and  nearly  degenerated  as  a 

*  Kluge  has  adduced  the  testimonium  paupertatis  which  the 
Archbishop  Berthold  of  Mainz,  i486,  influenced  as  he  was  by 
humanism,  has  given  to  the  German  language.  To  substantiate 
his  prohibition  of  religious  and  biblical  literature  in  the  German 
language  he  wrote:  Fateri  opportet,  idiomatis  nostri  inopiam 
minime  sufficere  necesseque  fore,  translatores  ....  veritatis 
sensnm  corrumpcre. 


84  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

result  is  endowed  with  the  proud  name  'chief  and  hero 
language'  (Haupt-und  Heldensprache).  It  is  literally 
true  what  Justus  Jonas  in  his  funeral  sermon  declares 
of  Luther:  'He  has  rehabilitated  the  German  language, 
so  that  now  we  can  again  distinctly  speak  and  write' " 
1.  c.    p.  I2f.). 

Risch  remarks :  "Luther  was  bound  to  find  the  proper 
word  for  the  new  and  great  that  filled  his  heart,  that  filled 
the  heart  of  the  people,  though  they  were  unable  to  clothe 
it  in  words.  His  wonderfully  developed  genius  of  lan- 
guage almost  always  enabled  him  to  find  what  he  sought. 
And  the  moment  he  had  found  the  word  he  also  gave  to 
the  concept  included  therein  an  explosive  power  of  pene- 
trating effect.  One  must  clearly  visualize  this  mental 
revolution  with  its  psychological  results  for  the  linguistic 
expression  of  the  masses,  who  stood  in  the  midst  of  the 
stream,  in  order  fully  to  appreciate  Luther's  importance 
for  the  history  of  language."  "The  stronger  projection 
of  the  dialect  during  the  15th  century  plainly  reveals  how 
the  politically  disjointed  Germany  also  cultivated  but  little 
of  mental  touch  and  intercourse.  And  the  international 
character  of  humanism  was  even  less  in  a  position  to 
afford  the  people  the  mental  unity.  Only  the  imperial 
chancery  felt  the  need  of  a  uniform  German  written  lan- 
guage understood  by  all.  But  the  chancery  on  the  other 
hand  was  too  little  in  touch  with  the  people,  and  possessed 
too  little  influence  among  them,  to  bring  about  a  healthy 
and  vigorous  linguistic  movement.  The  great  and  unify- 
ing thought,  that  joined  the  north  and  the  south  was  lack- 
ing, the  mastering  and  ponderous  gravity  of  a  great  per- 
sonality, who  knew  how  to  press  the  German  language 
into  the  service  of  a  great  cause,  over  which  every  Ger- 
man could  enthuse.     In  order  to  realize  this  great  aim 


Luther  and  the  German  Language  85 

among  the  German  people,  Luther  was  forced  to  bring 
the  many  beginnings  for  a  popular  and  unified  language 
to  their  full  development.  And  he  was  the  right  man" 
(1.  c.  p.  137x191). 

In  order  to  understand  somewhat  the  tremendous  in- 
fluence which  Luther  exerted  upon  the  German  language, 
the  whole  flood  of  German  writings  poured  by  Luther  on 
the  German  people  must  be  considered.  But  in  the  fore- 
front there  stand  his  translation  of  the  Bible,  and,  as 
Risch  has  again  justly  pointed  out,  his  Small  Catechism. 
Pietsch's  bibliography  appended  to  the  "German  Bible" 
in  the  Weimar  edition  of  Luther's  Works,  enables  the 
student  to  gain  a  reliable  conception  of  the  distribution  of 
the  Luther  Bible  up  to  Luther's  death.  In  the  beginning 
only  parts  of  the  Bible,  principally  the  New  Testament, 
were  brought  to  the  masses  through  the  printeries.  In 
1522  three  original  prints  were  issued  and  22  reprints. 
In  1524  eight  editions  in  Wittenberg  were  followed  by  39 
reprints.  That  was  the  culmination  point.  In  the  years 
following  the  ratio  of  original  editions  to  reprints  is  the 
following:  1525,  3  to  22;  1526,  7  to  25  ;  1527,  3  to  21  ; 
1528,  4  to  15;  1529,  I  to  13.  During  the  years  1530  to 
1 540,  34  Wittenberg  editions  were  followed  by  72  reprints  ; 
1 541  to  1546  Pietsch  enumerates  18  Wittenberg  editions 
and  26  reprints  outside  of  Wittenberg.  During  the  period 
of  1534  to  1584  Lotter's  press  alone  is  said  to  have  sent 
out  no  less  than  100,000  complete  Bibles  among  the  peo- 
ple. All  told  Pietsch  treats  of  84  original  editions  and 
253  reprints,  among  which  many  double  editions  are 
counted  as  one.  And  if  an  edition  is  put  at  not  less  than 
1,000  copies  and  not  more  than  5,000,  and  if  the  number 
of  reprints  is  multiplied  accordingly,  it  affords  a  glimpse 
of  the  stupendous  distribution  of  the  German  Bible  at 


86  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

that  time,  and  also  indicates  the  singular  and  unique 
influence  of  Luther's  Bible  German  on  the  German  lan- 
guage. And  only  then  is  this  fully  understood  when  we 
consider  (i)  that  the  Bible  was  read  in  every  Church 
service  (matins,  common  service,  vespers,  weekday  serv- 
ice), and  thus  also  became  part  and  parcel  for  those  of 
the  people  who  could  not  read,  or  were  too  poor  to  pur- 
chase a  copy  of  their  own;  (2)  that  the  Low  German  edi- 
tions as  to  their  language;  and  (3)  that  the  Catholic 
Bibles  (the  Swiss  Bibles  also)  as  to  their  language  were 
largely  dependent  on  Luther's  Bible,  so  that  all  circles 
of  society  stood  directly  under  its  influence.  Compare 
herewith  the  investigations  by  Byland,  Bachmann,  Lind- 
meyr,  Schroeder,  Schaub,  Jellinghaus,  Neubauer,  Risch, 
Breest.«*^ 

Risch  in  his  comprehensive  essay  (compare  also 
Kuehn)  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  student  in  fol- 
lowing the  "German  Bible"  in  the  Weimar  edition  can 
not  only  trace  how  Luther  in  the  course  of  time  much 
better  commands  the  text,  but  also  ever  better  and  with 
increasing  skill  handles  the  German  language.  Here  the 
development  of  the  modern  High  German  can  be  dis- 
cerned as  nowhere  else,  and  one  also  sees  his  genius  for 
language  and  his  fidelity  in  the  work  for  the  language  of 
his  people  in  all  its  wonderful  uniqueness.  Overwhelm- 
ing and  humiliating  alike  it  stands  forth  in  bold  relief. 

Next  to  the  translation  of  the  Bible  the  Small  Cate- 
chism claims  attention,  to  show  Luther's  influence  on  the 
German  language.  This  was  recited  daily  in  the  homes, 
and  read  in  nearly  every  service.  It  was  the  first  and 
only  German  reader  for  many.  It  was  committed 
to  memory  by  all  people.  In  many  ways  Luther's 
genius  for  language  here  is  even  more  apparent  than  in 


Title  page  of  the  book  'Von  der  Fieiheit  eines  Chiistenmenschen' 

1520. 


Luther  and  the  German  Language  87 

his  Bible  translation.  Gillhoff  has  written  a  splendid 
booklet  on  this  subject,  of  which  we  quote  several  pas- 
sages in  the  footnotes.*'**^ 

Alfred  Goetze  calls  attention  to  the  influence  of 
Luther's  hymns  in  forming  the  German  language.  In 
our  period  Luther's  language  has  been  treated  in  its 
entirety  by  Franke,  briefer  but  good  by  Neubauer.  The 
lexicon  for  Luther's  German  writings  by  Dietz  has  unfor- 
tunately been  left  incomplete.  Luther's  influence  on  the 
German  sequence  of  words,  syntax,  and  above  all  things 
vocabulary,  and  the  development  of  the  meaning  of 
words,  in  spite  of  the  wealth  of  material  in  Grimm's  Ger- 
man dictionary  and  Paul's  German  dictionary,  has  not 
yet  been  presented  in  its  continuity.  The  close  relation- 
ship between  Luther's  Bible  language  and  Goethe's  Ger- 
man has  been  demonstrated  by  Hehn.  Brief  yet  compre- 
hensive is  the  splendid  characterization  of  the  influence 
of  Luther  upon  German  literature  given  by  Alfred 
Goetze  in  "Die  Religion  in  Geschichte  und  Gegenwart" 
III,  column  2256.  Column  2260  he  also  mentions 
Luther's  well  known  edition  of  Aesop's  Fables  (1530  or 
1538),  and  justly  finds  in  it  the  incentive  for  the  fables 
of  Erasmus  Alber.  He  whites :  "The  book  of  Erasmus 
Alber,  'Von  der  Tugend  und  Weisheit'  (1534),  charac- 
terized by  the  pleasant  art  to  mould  a  simple  material 
into  a  rich  and  animated  picture,  would  never,  perhaps, 
have  been  written,  if  Luther  through  his  own  work  with 
Aesop  had  not  given  to  this  most  faithful  among  his 
disciples  the  prototype  for  the  fable.  Thus  Alber's  work 
also  is  but  a  monument  for  Luther's  merits  in  behalf  of 
German  poesy." 


88  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

15.     Luther's  Return  to  Wittenberg 

The  upheaval  in  Wittenberg  during  March,  1522, 
caused  Luther  to  return.  The  question  whether  Luther 
returned  upon  his  own  initiative  or  whether  he  thought 
at  the  same  time  that  the  Elector,  while  desiring  his  return, 
did  not  dare  to  voice  his  wish  publicly  because  of  political 
considerations,  has  been  much  discussed  during  the  last 
decade.  This  was  especially  the  case  since  Barge,  in  his 
lamentably  one-sided,  over-estimation  of  Carlstadt®^  and 
the  things  he  started  at  Wittenberg,  called  Luther  an  "ad- 
ministrator of  the  Justice  Department,"  who,  in  agree- 
ment with  his  prince  made  null  and  void  the  promising 
beginning  of  the  "fruehreformatorischen  Gemeindechris- 
tentums."  Already  before  Barge  Kawerau"^  had  ex- 
pressed the  thought  that  Luther  returned  in  accordance 
with  the  wish  of  the  Elector,  but  von  Bezold  and,  espe- 
cially, K.  Mueller"'^  refused  to  let  it  stand,  not  even  as 
far  as  it  alone  was  concerned,  and  much  less  as  Barge  had 
represented  it.  Nikolaus  Mueller"^  then  pictured  the 
entire  Wittenberg  movement  in  a  work  that  distinguishes 
itself  because  of  its  detail  and  minuteness. 

Several  months  after  his  return  to  Wittenberg  Luther 
wrote  his  well-known  and  blunt  answer  to  the  charges 
made  against  him  by  Henry  VIII  of  England — cf., 
Walther's  monogravure  on  this  subject.'^*' 

16.     Luther's  Endeavors  to  Build  up  Evangelical 
Congregations,   1523-1529 

After  his  return  the  time  had  arrived  to  arrange  an 
evangelical  order  of  Divine  Service,  and  to  take  into 
consideration  the  organization  of  congregations  and  en- 
tire regions  that  had  severed  connections  with  Rome.    So 


Evangelical  Congregations  89 

in  1523  he  published  his  "Formula  Missae"  and  in  1526 
his  "Deutsche  Messe,"  in  1523  and  again  in  1526  his 
"Taufbuechlein,"  1529  the  "Traubuechlein,"  1529  the 
two  catechisms,  1523  resp.  1524  the  evangelical  hymn- 
book,  admonished  in  1524  to  erect  evangelical  schools, 
took  an  active  part  in  the  visitation  of  churches  and 
schools  in  the  Electorate  of  Saxony  in  1528-29,  and  ad- 
vised Bugenhagen,  when  he  went  to  Braunschweig  and 
other  cities,  to  introduce  there  a  new  and  evangelical 
order  of  the  entire  church  affairs. 

Gottschick,  Gruenberg,  Hans,  Achelis,  Rietschel  and 
others  attempted  to  state  what  views  Luther  held  con- 
cerning an  evangelical  Divine  Service.'^'' 

In  order  that  the  German  Service  might  also  possess 
a  German  hymnary,  Luther  not  only  called  on  others  to 
compose  German  hymns,  but  also  applied  himself  to  this 
task.  And,  although  about  forty  years  of  age,  he  still 
became  the  author  of  quite  a  number  of  the  most  precious 
church  hymns.  This  view  had  obtained  pretty  generally 
at  least*^^  until  a  short  while  ago,  even  though  Groessler 
contended  more  and  more  steadfastly  that  at  least  "Ein' 
feste  Burg"  was  traceable  to  April,  1521,  to  his  journey 
to  Worms.  It  was  due  to  Spitta,*''^  however,  that  many 
who  held  this  view,  became  otherwise  convinced  and 
accepted  the  one  Spitta  offered,  to  wit,  that  we  possess 
hymns  from  Luther  that  already  date  back  to  his  student 
years,  to  the  time  of  his  spiritual  unrest  as  a  monk,  and 
to  the  days  of  his  early  reformatory  activity.  The  more 
careful  historians  of  the  Reformation,  however,  have  up 
until  now  abstained  with  due  cause  from  giving  this 
theory  their  support. 

Thanks  are  due  to  F.  Zelle"^  for  a  thoroughgoing  work 
on  the  first  hymn-books  that  contained  Luther's  hymns. 


90  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

Phil.  Wolf  rum  and  Zelle*'^  have  also  made  us  better  ac- 
quainted with  them  in  respect  to  their  melodies  and  mu- 
sical setting. 

Kawerau,  Althaus  and  Rietschel  devoted  themselves 
to  the  study  of  Luther's  Order  of  Baptism.  Kawerau's 
study  especially  is  of  lasting  value,  because  he  brought 
to  light  quite  a  number  of  the  "Ordines  Baptismatis"  of 
the  end  of  the  Mediaeval  Period  and  compared  them  care- 
fully with  Luther's  Order  of  1523.*^^ 

Luther's  conception  of  married  life  and  his  views  about 
betrothing  and  the  solcjnnisation  of  marriage  were  often 
treated  before  1883 ;  in  our  period  H.  von  Schubert,  in  his 
book  "Die-evangelische  Trauung,  ihre  geschichtliche  Ent- 
wicklung  und  gegenwaertige  Bedeutung,  1890,"  has  again 
taken  up  this  question. 

In  1524  Luther  called  upon  the  council  members  of  the 
German  cities  to  establish  schools.  It  is  the  most  thrilling 
appeal  that  was  ever  made  in  the  interest  of  higher  edu- 
cation and  Christian  training  of  the  youth.  "It  is  every- 
where well  understood,"  says  Luther,  "what  is  to  be  done 
in  the  way  of  protection  against  Turks,  wars  and  floods, 
and  what  has  to  be  expended  annually  for  arms,  good 
roads  and  levees ;  so  much  money  has  heretofore  been 
squandered  for  indulgences,  masses  and  pilgrimages. 
Why  not  give  part  of  this  for  educational  purposes  and 
a  training  of  the  young?  If  you  give  one  'gulden'  for  the 
war  against  the  Turks,  a  hundred  are  not  too  much,  if 
spent  to  educate  a  good  Christian."  On  this  writing 
Albrecht"^  published  a  minute  and  valuable  study,  which 
became  still  more  valuable  through  the  fact  that  Schiele®* 
later,  starting  out  from  an  opposition  justifiable  in  itself, 
tried  to  undervalue  Luther's  service  in  the  interest  of  the 
public  school  through  gross  exaggeration.     Of  course,  it 


MARTINI  LVTHERI ET 

SEOVACIVM.  ■ 


Bull  against  the  errors  of  Martin  Luther  and  his 
Followers. 

In  the  center  the  coat  of  arms  of  the  Medici,  to 
which  house  Pope  Leo  X  belonged.  Five  balls 
and  three  lilies  of  Florence.  Also  the  triple 
crown  of  the  pope  and  the  keys  of  St.  Peter. 
From  a  print  of  1520. 


Evangelical  Congregations  91 

is  the  Latin  School  that  Luther  desired  to  be  erected 
and  safeguarded  first  of  all — and  the  present  writer 
knows  of  three  hundred  German  cities  that  between  1524 
and  1600  erected  new  schools  or  rearranged  them  on  new 
principles — but  that  Luther  also  referred  to  the  common 
school,  at  least  in  the  cities,  is  indicated  by  his  demand 
for  a  minimum  instruction  of  two  hours  per  day  for 
boys  and  one  hour  for  girls.  The  "Kuesterschule"  of  the 
Reformation  period  is  the  kernel  out  of  which  is  grown 
of  whatever  we  have  to-day  of  Christian  common  schools. 

It  was  in  his  "German  Mass"  that  Luther  declared 
catechetical  instruction  of  the  young  a  necessary  part  of 
an  evangelical  Divine  Service.  "One  of  the  principal 
parts  of  a  right  German  order  of  worship  is  a  plain  and 
good  instruction  of  the  youth,"  he  said.  Here  he  also 
illustrated  in  a  remarkable  manner,  in  which  way  chil- 
dren could  be  brought  to  a  correct  understanding  of  the 
Ten  Commandments,  the  Creed,  the  Lord's  Prayer.  It 
is  the  merit  of  Ferdinand  Cohrs"''*  and  the  Society  for  the 
History  of  Education  in  Germany  that  more  than  thirty 
catechisms  published  between  1522  and  1528  were  again 
made  accessible,  the  majority  of  which  was  brought  forth 
by  this  appeal  of  Luther. 

Buchwald  has  shed  new  light  on  Luther's  own  cate- 
chetical work.""  We  now  can  follow  his  endeavors  on 
this  line  from  15 16  up  to  1529,  and  must  be  astonished 
over  the  amount  of  time  and  work  Luther  devoted  to 
the  instruction  of  the  young  and  the  uneducated.  He 
explained  to  them  the  Ten  Commandments,  the  Creed, 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  later  on  also  the  Sacraments  in  ser- 
mons and  in  writings  of  all  kind ;  he  even  gathered  them 
in  his  house  in  the  evening  and  expounded  to  them  the 
meaning  of  these  texts  in  such  a  plain  and  simple  way 


92  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

that  even  the  weakest  ones  could  grasp  the  evangelical 
truth.  Buchwald,  Knoke  and  Albrecht,®^  by  means  of 
new  discoveries  and  most  thorough  and  extensive  investi- 
gations in  a  conclusive  way,  made  us  acquainted  with  the 
origin  of  the  two  catechisms,  with  the  form  in  which  the 
Small  Catechism  was  at  first  published,  with  the  dififerent 
editions  up  to  Luther's  death,  with  its  translations  into 
Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew,  French,  English,  etc.  Compare 
the  author's  article  on  the  "Religious  Instruction  During 
the  1 6th  Century"  in  the  Lutheran  Church  Review 
of  1915  and  1916. 

That  through  the  publication  of  his  "Passionale"  in 
1529,  Luther  became  the  father  of  Bible  story  instruction, 
is  covered  by  my  article  in  "Kirchliche  Zeitschrift" 
(1906),  and  the  little  book  has  been  made  known  again 
through  the  second  part  of  my  "Quellen  zur  Geschichte 
des  kirchhchen  Unterrichts.""''  This  last-named  work 
also  carefully  traces  the  great  influence  which  Luther's 
catechism  had  into  the  most  distant  portions  of  Germany 
and  beyond.  Hardeland  presents  the  rich  thoughts  that 
are  hidden  in  all  of  Luther's  catechetical  writings,  and 
Meyer  shows  plainly  how  the  Large  Catechism  grew  out 
from  the  three  series  of  Luther's  sermons  on  the  cate- 
chism-texts of  1528."" 

Luther  was  the  advocate  of  an  entirely  new  relation 
of  the  evangelical  congregations  that  now  arose  all  over 
Germany  towards  the  State.  Sohm,  Kolde,  Branden- 
burg, Koehler,  Drews,  K.  Mueller,  Holl,  Hermelink  and 
Waring  aim  at  making  us  acquainted  with  this  view  of 
Luther  of  the  State  and  its  relation  to  the  Church,  as  well 
as  with  the  dream  of  founding  ideal  congregations  that 
was  once  dreamed  by  him.'^°  Space  does  not  permit  to 
dwell  longer  upon  this  matter.     May  it  suffice  to  say 


The  Years  of  Separation  93 

that  the  principle  of  the  freedom  of  the  Church  as  well 
as  the  freedom  of  the  State,  so  dear  to  us  Americans  and 
so  fundamental  for  the  sound  development  of  the  future 
of  our  nation,  was  laid  down  by  no  one  else  than  by- 
Luther. 

17.     The  Years  of  Separation,  1524-1530 

The  year  1 524-1 525  was  replete  with  many  different 
kinds  of  weighty  decisions  for  Luther.  In  the  first  place 
there  was  the  Christian-socialistic  revolution,  as  it  mani- 
fested itself  in  the  Peasants'  War ;  the  immoderate  spirit- 
ualism of  the  Anabaptists,  the  Catholic  humanists  such 
as  Erasmus ;  and  even  now  the  dispute  with  Zwingli  and 
others  on  the  Eucharist  had  begun. 

Stolze,  Boehmer,  Stroele,  Sommerlad,  Vogt,  Solle  and 
V.  Bezold'^^  present  all  the  material  necessary  for  a  full 
understanding  of  the  situation  that  led  to  the  Peasants' 
War  and  made  it  so  difficult  for  Luther  to  take  the  cor- 
rect position.  By  means  of  their  writings  it  also  becomes 
apparent  why  Luther  necessarily  had  to  separate  him- 
self from  the  peasants.  Riggenbach,  v.  Nathusius, 
Lezius,  and  Seeberg  have  very  excellently  portrayed  the 
deep  sympathy  which  Luther  at  all  times  had  for  the 
social  question  of  his  days.'^^ 

The  great  difference  that  separated  Luther  from  the 
fanatic  Anabaptists  is  duly  emphasized  by  the  works  of 
Gruetzmacher  and  Walther."  Walther  makes  clear  how 
far  here  again  most  important  principles  were  involved, 
principles  which  even  to-day  are  the  dividing  wall  be- 
tween sound  historical  Lutheranism  and  all  branches  of 
the  Reformed  Church.  Gottschick,  Hegler,  Scheel,  Otto, 
and  Sachsse,^-  however,  ought  to  be  compared.  Scheel 
has  published  anew  the   important   writing  of   Luther, 


94  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

"Wider  die  himmlischen  Propheten,"  this  vigorous  treat- 
ise of  the  Reformer  against  every  phase  of  nomism  that 
does  not  understand  the  great  difference  between  Old  and 
New  Testament,  and  against  all  enthusiasm  that  loosens 
the  soul  from  the  firm  foundation  given  by  the  word. 
Wappler^^  raises  the  question  in  which  sense  we  can 
speak  of  liberty  of  creed  and  conscience  during  the  Ref- 
ormation period,  and  makes  plain  the  tenacity  with 
which  the  Anabaptists,  even  in  Thuringia,  held  their  own 
for  a  long  time. 

Burckhardt,  Lezius,  Richter,  J.  von  Walter,  Zickend- 
rath  and  others'^^  cover  the  relations  between  Luther  and 
Erasmus,  and  whoever  studies  these  publications  should 
be  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  Luther's  separation 
from  Erasmus.  They  belong  to  two  entirely  different 
periods,  and  their  religious  and  moral  convictions  stood 
in  direct  opposition  to  each  other.  We  understand  readily 
that  Wernle  (Die  Renaissance  des  Christentums  im  i6. 
Jahrhundert,  1904,  p.  iiff.)  and  Troeltsch  (Die  Kultur 
der  Gegenwart,  2  ed.  Leipzig,  1909,  IV,  i  p.  473ff.) 
judge  Erasmus  entirely  differently  and  pronounce  him 
"Den  groeszten  Bahnbrecher  der  Renaissance  des  Chris- 
tentums im  16.  Jahrhundert";  but  this  only  shows,  as 
Hauck  correctly  says,  how  so  many  representatives  of 
modern  theology  have  forgotten  the  objectiveness  that 
to  Ranke  was  the  necessary  requisite  for  historical  judg- 
ment. All  the  greater  is  the  debt  we  owe  to  J.  von  Walter, 
who  opposed  these  views  in  a  very  able  manner.  Walter 
has  again  also  edited  the  "Diatribe"  of  Erasmus,  and 
Scheel  has  offered  us  Luther's  "De  servo  arbitrio"  in  a 
new  translation,  together  with  a  good  introduction  and 
many  explanatory  notes.  The  essays  of  C.  Stange  are 
also  to  be  noted  in  this  connection.^^ 


The  Years  of  Separation  95 

On  the  dispute  between  Luther  and  Zwingli,  W.  Wal- 
ther^*  has  shed  new  light.  He  discloses  the  dishonest 
methods  to  which  the  opponents  of  Luther  constantly 
resorted  during  the  Eucharistic  controversy,  and  thus 
he  explains  the  feeling  of  distrust  Luther  had  for  Zwingli 
and  his  brothers  in  arms.  Jaeger  and  Thimme  emphasize 
the  religious  interest  Luther  had  in  the  Real-Presence, 
whereas  Graebke  shows  the  construction  of  the  Lutheran 
doctrine  of  The  Eucharist  in  its  development,  but  hardly 
with  sufficient  accuracy.'^* 

In  1529  the  Religious  Discussion  at  Marburg  took 
place.  Kolde,  in  Hauck's  "Realencyklopaedie,"  has  fur- 
nished us  the  best  treatise  on  this  remarkable  occurrence. 
In  his  "Augsburger  Konfession"'^  he  has  also  made  easily 
accessible  the  text  of  the  Articles  of  Marburg.  H.  von 
Schubert^^  showed  that  the  Articles  of  Marburg  were 
not  prior  to  the  Articles  of  Schwabach,  as  was  formerly 
thought;  that  rather  the  Articles  of  Schwabach  were 
fundamental  to  the  Articles  of  Marburg.  The  Articles 
of  Schwabach  very  likely  were  already  written  by  Luther 
in  June,  to  serve  as  the  basis  for  a  common  confession 
of  Brandenburg-Ansbach,  Nuernberg  and  Saxony  (cf. 
also  Schornbaum's  writings^^).  Luther  took  them  to 
Marburg,  where  they  were  divested  of  some  of  their 
darts  against  Zwingli. 

The  separation  from  Zwingli  and  his  friends  was  kept 
up  at  Augsburg.  Through  Kolde's  investigations'^^  we 
have  gained  a  concrete  idea  of  how  much  of  the  August- 
ana  was  placed  before  Luther,  and  of  what  great  dimen- 
sions Melanchthon's  lamentable  yielding  to  Rome  really 
was.  We  now  realize  all  the  more  why  Melanchthon  so 
seldom  sent  a  report  to  Luther  at  Coburg,  and  we  can 
assume  that  Luther  had  fulfilled  his  promise,  or  rather 


p6  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

threat,  to  go  himself  to  Augsburg  if  he  had  known  how 
much  Melanchthon  at  one  time  was  ready  to  give  up. 
Burkhardt'^^^ informed  us  about  the  route  of  travel  the 
Elector  and  Luther  took  to  Coburg,  while  BuchwaW^" 
discovered  and  published  some  of  the  sermons  Luther 
delivered  during  his  second  exile,  i.  e.,  at  Coburg.  The 
most  important  one  is  the  sermon  of  the  2d  of  October, 
in  which  he  touches  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  and  expresses 
his  unshakable  confidence  about  the  future:  "Fuerchte 
sich  denn  der  Teufel,"  he  said,  "wir  wollen  uns  nicht 
fuerchten !  Die  Stunde  und  Zeit  wird  kommen,  dass  die 
Weisheit  und  Gewalt,  darauf  sie  jetzt  pochen,  wird  da- 
hingehen,  dass  wir  sagen  werden :  wo  sind  sie  nun  ?" 

18.     Luther's  Marriage,  Home  and  Health 

In  1525,  i.  e.,  in  a  year  full  of  important  crises  for  the 
further  development  of  his  life-work,  Luther  entered  the 
"holy  estate  of  matrimony."  He  was  fully  aware  of  the 
daring  of  his  step,  but  he  was  also  convinced  of  its 
correctness,  and  it  was  to  him  really  a  part  of  his  work 
of  Reformation.  A.  Thoma  and  E.  Kroker'^^  portray 
the  life  of  his  wife,  Katharina  von  Bora,  thus  affording 
us  a  glimpse  into  Luther's  domestic  life.  By  his  marriage 
Luther  became  the  founder  of  the  evangelical  parsonage, 
this  rich  source  of  intellectual  and  religious  life,  this 
home  of  good  music,  of  genuine  art  and  of  all  what  is 
pure,  lovely  and  good.  Luther's  close  relation  to  art  and 
artists  is  sketched  by  P.  Lehf  eldt  in  "Luther's  Verhaeltnis 
zu  Kunst  und  Kuenstlern,"  1892.  Compare  also  W.  Baur, 
"Das  deutsche  evangelische  Pfarrhaus,"  ^1878.  W. 
Kawerau  deals  in  general,  and  very  learnedly  concerning 
the  "Reformation  and  matrimony."" 

It   is   known  that   Luther  was   often   ill   during  the 


The  Act  of  Ordination  97 

thirties.  It  was  Ebstein"  who,  in  1908,  published  an 
investigation  into  the  different  ailments  of  Luther  and 
their  subsequent  influence  on  his  physical  and  mental  con- 
dition. He  asserts  that  Luther  -suffered  from  calculi, 
constipation,  piles,  catarrh  of  the  middle  ear — almost 
deafness — ,  periostitis,  stomach-affections,  weakness  of 
the  heart,  dysentery,  cataract  on  one  eye,  and  rheuma- 
tism !  Ebstein  finds  that  it  was  a  particularly  virulent 
kind  of  rheumatism  which  was  in  the  main  cause  for  his 
many  pains,  and  acknowledges  that  "das  ganze  Ach  und 
Weh"  was  the  consequence  of  this  sickness,  even  his 
corpulency.  His  mental  work,  however,  was  not  influ- 
enced for  the  worse  through  this  sickness,  even  though 
nervous  affliction,  fits  of  mental  depression,  etc.,  did  tem- 
porarily hinder  it.  He  was  not  an  epileptic,  or,  as  some 
have  even  said,  a  maniac.  Through  the  strength  of  his 
will  and  his  unflagging  energy  he  invariably  rose  above 
his  sickness,  and  until  his  death  he  remained  the  victor 
in  a  fight,  whose  successful  termination  demanded  the 
greatest  possible  mental  resistance.  Thus  does  the  great- 
ness of  his  genius  only  show  itself  all  the  more  resplen- 
dent when  we  think  of  his  numerous  illnesses. 

19.     Luther  Introduces  the  Act  of  Ordination,   1535 

The  more  independent  and  organized  evangelical 
churches  appear,  especially  since  1530,  the  more  does 
Luther  disappear  from  the  foreground.  Our  review  for 
that  same  reason  can  from  now  on  be  also  much  briefer 
and  of  a  more  elective  character. 

In  1 531  the  evangelical  princes  and  cities  organized 
the  Alliance  of  Schmalkalden.  Now  it  was  up  to  Luther 
to  take  anew  a  stand  to  the  question  whether  the  sword 


98  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

could  be  drawn  from  the  sheath  even  against  the  Kaiser, 
to  protect  the  Gospel  or  not/^  Cardauns  defines  the  posi- 
tion Luther  took. 

In  1535,  with  the  help  of  Luther,  an  order  of  ordina- 
tion, as  we  understand  this  term  to-day,  was  introduced 
at  Wittenberg.  Originally  it  had  not  been  Luther's  in- 
tention to  create  a  holy  act  that  in  any  respect  could  be 
considered  as  a  substitute  for  the  Roman  consecration  to 
the  priesthood.  If  the  person  who  wished  to  become  an 
evangelical  pastor  had  been  found  worthy  and  capable 
(by  the  superintendents  and  visitators)  and  had  been 
called  by  the  magistrates  (secular  government),  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  congregation,  the  office  was  established 
in  the  single  congregation;  especially  the  latter,  the  call, 
was  the  main  requisite.  Often  a  divine  service  was  held 
in  this  connection,  in  which  the  call  of  the  pastor  was 
confirmed,  in  which  he  was  introduced  to  the  congrega- 
tion, and  where  under  laying-on  of  hands,  prayers  were 
offered  for  him.  All  of  this,  and  sometimes  with  the 
exception  of  the  divine  service,  Luther  formerly  called 
ordination,  but  according  to  present  terminology  it  was 
more  of  an  introduction  to  the  congregation  rather  than 
an  ordination. 

But  more  had  to  be  done  in  behalf  of  practical  inter- 
ests. In  the  end  of  the  twenties  a  conviction  must  have 
taken  root  among  the  leading  circles  in  Wittenberg  that 
it  was  in  the  interests  of  the  relations  of  the  clergy  to 
their  charges  that  they  receive  their  office  through  an  act 
of  ordination.  This  is  proved  through  a  letter  of  Luther 
dated  December  16,  1530,  which  states  that  because  of  a 
dearth  of  clergy  they  were  compelled  "proprio  ritu  ordi- 
nare  et  instituere  ministros."  In  December,  1534,  in  the 
church  constitutions  meant  for  Pommerania — printed  in 


g  in  D  m.Tii  D  mcb: 
gietigmde  rat&cr 
milftn  c>nD  nicbtoi 
D  ni  be  tpcg  D  fiinO* 
pnD  nicbtni  fa^auf  &e 
eScr  c>frit>uflung . 
.rn  fein  u?ill  ifl  m  ^ 
Jjcs  l:^^?rcn:t?fi  m  fci; 
ecbetracbtcr  tagc 
nacbt.lPnDerwirt 
I«nit^rt  b?p  biablauff 
btfti  fcjmjqjt.Vn 
fern  Uub  ^prflmQ  mt :  uiiD  alle  Drug  Die  n*  tut  &ie 
it^crbmt  geliifhfain.  O  ir  t>tiniiltp  mt  alfo  tut  alfo; 
itwn  als  046  gefW  pp  033  ccr  xon\X>  perwurfft  co 
C)e 4titlutj C«r  erD.  jX)o2Uin  Die cnimltp  Die  erfleiiD 
nitttiOcorfrplernofb  oiefunOer  fn  Oerat  bergeJ 
reflate.  VViTii  C)cr  b?2r  erk.mt  be  weg  CJ  gerecbte:t?u 
?3cr  ftfpg  0  pnniiltc  perDirbt.      '^ 

Psalm  1. 

Illustration  from  the  second  German  liilile  produced  by  the  printing  press. 
Printed  about  1470  by  H.  ICggesteyn  in  Strassburg.  It  is  a  reprint  of  the 
first  German  Bil)le  which  was  published  1-466  by  Johann  Mentel  at  Strassburg. 


The  Act  of  Ordination  99 

Wittenberg,  1535 — Bugenhagen  plainly  speaks  of  an  or- 
dination that  is  not  only  an  installation/^  However,  in 
Wittenberg  the  old  custom  was  clung  to  until  1535. 

Thanks  to  the  investigations  of  G.  Rietschel  we  know 
that  Luther  conducted  such  an  ordination  October  20, 
1535.  Buchwald  quotes  the  address  that  Luther  held  on 
this  occasion.  Afterwards  Drews  calls  attention  to  the 
fact  that  candidates  were  already  ordained  in  Wittenberg 
before  the  14th  of  August;  he  even  calls  our  attention  to 
a  writing  of  the  Elector  of  the  12th  of  May,  in  which  at- 
tention is  called  to  an  edict  of  the  Elector  that  those  about 
to  be  ordained  should  be  sent  to  Wittenberg,  for  the 
"learned  men  of  Holy  Scriptures"  should  ordain  them. 
Drews  also  proves  that  in  connection  with  this  the  candi- 
dates were  no  longer  to  be  examined  by  the  superintend- 
ents as  heretofore,  but  by  the  theologians  in  Wittenberg. 
The  faculty  turned  over  the  ordination  to  Bugenhagen. 
The  doubts  of  Bugenhagen  concerning  the  edict  of  the 
Elector"*  did  not  concern  the  ordination  itself,  but  had 
their  cause  in  his  conviction,  already  expressed  in  his 
church  constitution  for  Pommerania  that  the  candidates 
for  the  ministerium  should  be  examined  by  their  home 
superintendents,  solemnly  bound  to  do  their  whole  minis- 
terial work  in  accordance  with  the  Word  of  God  by  their 
home  bishops  (or  superintendents)  and  then  be  installed 
by  laying  on  of  hands  and  prayer  in  the  midst  of  the  con- 
gregation by  which  they  had  been  called.^"*  Although  it 
was  Bugenhagen  who  was  to  officiate  at  the  ordinations, 
yet  Luther  often  took  his  place.  When,  in  July,  1537, 
Bugenhagen  went  to  Denmark  for  a  period  of  two  years, 
Luther  officiated  regularly  and  began  "the  catalogus  ordi- 
natorum,"  which  Buchwald  has  published. 

The  ordination  generally  took  place  on  Sunday,  after 


100         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

a  sermon  which  exhorted  to  prayer  for  those  about  to  be 
ordained. 

With  the  exception  of  a  report  of  an  ordination  which 
we  know  through  the  Table-talk  and  a  Latin  formula  for 
those  unversed  in  German,  we  now  possess  five  forms  for 
the  order  of  ordination  that  date  back  to  the  time  until 
1539.  One  of  these,  obligatory  for  use  in  Wittenberg 
since  1539,  was  recast  by  Bugenhagen  after  his  return 
from  Denmark  by  using  an  existing  sketch.  Did  the  other 
four  have  their  origin  in  Luther?  Drews  believed  that 
he  certainly  had  traced  one  to  Luther,  which  he  published 
as  "the  oldest  formula  for  ordination  in  the  Lutheran 
Church,"  in  the  38th  volume  of  the  Weimar  Luther  Edi- 
tion (p.  401  ff.).  But  later  Vetter  contended  that  this 
formula  could  by  no  means  be  considered  the  oldest, 
and  that  it  does  not  date  back  to  Luther.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  may  be  that  the  formula  C — taken  back  by  the 
preachers  of  Kulmbach,  Schnabel  and  Eberhard,  from 
Wittenberg  to  their  home  in  1538 — and  that  the  formula 
F — in  the  minutes  of  the  visitators  of  Freiberg  frcgn  the 
year  1538 — are  the  oldest  that  we  possess  and  are  directly 
traceable  to  Luther,®'^ 

20.     Luther   and  the   Wittenberg-Concord,    1536 

It  was  a  momentous  event  when,  in  1536,  the  Witten- 
berg-Concord was  established  between  Luther  and  the 
upper  Germans,  and  when  Luther  said :  "We  have  now 
heard  the  answer  and  confession  that  all  of  you  believe 
and  teach  that  in  the  Eucharist  the  true  body  and  the 
true  blood  of  the  Lord  is  given  and  received  and  not  only 
bread  and  wine ;  also  that  this  giving  and  receiving  takes 
place  in  reality  and  not  in  imagination;  you  only  take 
offense,  because  the  real  presence  is  there  also  for  the 


Luther  and  England  loi 

impious.  Believe  what  Saint  Paul  says  that  those  who 
are  unworthy  also  receive  the  body  of  our  Lord,  as  long 
as  the  institution  and  the  word  of  the  Lord  are  not 
changed ;  about  this  point  we  shall  not  quarrel.  Because 
you  stand  thus,  w^e  are  one,  and  we  acknowledge  and 
receive  you  as  our  dear  brethren  in  the  Lord."  Later 
on,  when  the  formula  for  the  Concord  had  been  signed, 
he  said,  in  farewell :  "Let  us  bury  that  which  has  hap- 
pened on  both  sides  and  weigh  it  down  with  a  stone." 
Th.  Kolde  has  given  us,  in  the  2ist  volume  of  Haucks' 
Realenzyklopsedie  a  detailed  account  of  the  respective 
events  occurring  between  the  religious  discussion  at  Mar- 
burg and  the  Wittenberg-Concord,  as  well  as  an  account 
of  these  two  happenings  themselves.  Here  we  also  learn 
why,  in  spite  of  all  this,  a  real  union  was  not  achieved 
later  on,  why  even  before  Luther's  death  the  dispute  with 
the  Swiss  broke  out  anew. 

2L     Luther  and  England 

In  the  year  1536,  not  only  the  representatives  of  upper 
Germany  appeared  with  Luther  in  Wittenberg,  but  a 
deputation  from  England  came  in  order  to  treat  with  the 
Wittenberg  theologians.  The  object  of  their  coming  was 
no  less  important  than  that  of  ascertaining  how  closely 
the  German  evangelicals  could  approach  the  representa- 
tives of  Henry  VHI  in  doctrine,  so  that  a  nation  like  Eng- 
land might  enter  into  the  Smalkald  Union.  G.  Mentz 
has  edited  for  the  first  time  the  "Articles  of  Wittenberg" 
of  1536,  and  has  therewith  documentarily  proven  how 
dependent  the  48  articles  of  Edward  VI,  and  therefore, 
also  the  39  articles  of  Elizabeth,  are  upon  the  Augsburg 
Confession.  For  the  "Wittenberg  Articles"  have  their 
origin  in  the  Augustana.     Many  times  they  only  quote 


I02         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

literally  from  it.  On  the  other  hand  they  stand  in  the 
closest  relation  to  these  English  confessions.  All  this  is 
only  another  example  of  the  penetrative  power  of  Luth- 
er's influence,  it  reaches  directly  into  the  confessions  of 
those  who,  to-day,  boast  of  being  a  completely  separate 
branch  of  the  Christian  Church.^^ 

When,  about  12  years  previously,  Tyndale  completed 
his  translation  of  the  New  Testament  into  the  English 
language  (1524- 1525),  he  made  copious  use  of  Luther's 
translation.  He  did  this  work  in  Germany,  where  his 
New  Testament  was  also  printed.  The  first  complete 
English  Bible  (1535)  on  its  title-page  frankly  stated,  that 
it  was  faithfully  translated  out  of  "Douche  and  Latyn" 
(Douche,  or  Dutch  =  Luther's  German).  Tyndale's  ver- 
sion, though  revised,  is  virtually  our  English  Bible  of 
today.  Through  Tyndale  and  his  friends  translations  of 
the  Bible  and  many  Lutheran  writings  were  smuggled 
into  England  and  were  distributed.  So  as  not  to  depend 
on  the  Latin  writings  of  Luther  and  his  coworkers,  how- 
ever, several  of  their  works  were  translated  into  English. 
For  instance,  the  first  English  catechism,  Marshall's 
Primer,  1534  (2d  edition  1535),  is  a  translation  of  Lu- 
ther's "Betbuechlein,"  and  thus  also  of  his  "Short  Form 
of  the  Ten  Commandments,  the  Creed,  and  the  Lord's 
Prayer"  (1520),  the  important  precursor  of  his  later 
catechism  (confer:  M.  Reu,  Katechetik,  1915,  p.  49,  and 
"Three  Primers  Put  Forth  in  the  Reign  of  Henry  VHI, 
Oxford,  1848).  In  1548  Cranmer  published  "A  Short 
Instruction  into  the  Christian  religion  for  the  syngular 
commoditie  and  profit  of  children  and  young  people  in 
England,"  an  English  version  of  the  "Kinderpredigten," 
written  by  Osiander  (Cranmer  married  Osiander's  niece) 
and  Sleupner  and  added  to  the  "Nuernberger  Kirchen- 


Bmrnmrtcfll  bee  BmngcUi  <Bmct 
miCQB  votiX)cr'}ipom  m(c\?ic\?t. 

~i  *§c  erfk  rcbe  bab  icb 
\  \  \  y.wr  fmn  Uebcr  tbeo^ 

,%  ^v*.X<?^  ^  n  «i3/bcv&c*utl?ur}¥!?t«ieien/b!d 
g  v'1:Va'^  '^"  »ei*tBg/t>iJerf3ufrg«iome  wart/ 

If  iff  b€f^il!>fii«ft/n?«Sd>cnerftcbiifl 
Jt  ("h'tn  levbc  !«l?cfi£>fg  cttjcrga'  bat 


c'->r.5/  fon&efu  ivartctcn  raiff  ote  vcr-- 
,  L-n-aLtfii-bozec  (fpjfitbcr)  f  on  myr/'Ocn 

^•'C  ^(.»  i  ^t.    i-iici^o  J  rt.ti-'  'cv  ic»"nt«d>tfijrbeiji5lo;nbiUT!>oi(dirm 

-  rt-ft'T  »■ .''    ri.  '-'tclvi ' MTi ?cnbv'r.el >0ir£>"3i><:riis/wilcbcin>« 
..l>;rcfi.'!f  r-  tc  I  ^  '<"v  iM  itwl  ^crspj!tfo^^.cn/^vicf^s■):^■)l1g{(c* 

iDjt  WiSHOfcrtBc  *.'nb  iv«n  ^cniK-lcm/fo  osin  bcf0£,/t>cf  &«»  fx'rft  / 
fi:l>  ciitbuiPfJ?  Refills  WO  ;T(cccbu6/3obiinnes  ¥ff  a»&i*fl»/P*(* 


naOcr  Ji.iKitc  3i?csu«!ntt0  feynct?  biwocrnr 


t>n5tT»n       -ji 


Page  of  the  Septemberbible  of  1522. 


Luther  and  England  103 

ordnung"  of  1533.  These  sermons  for  children  were 
an  explanation  of  Luther's  small  catechism.  Kawerau 
and  Jacobs  have  again  called  attention  to  this.^^  But 
that  this  catechism  (or  rather  these  sermons  on  Luther's 
Catechism)  was  one  of  the  best  explanations  of  Luther's 
catechism,  and  that  it  had  been  both  translated  into  differ- 
ent foreign  languages  (into  Latin  by  Justus  Jonas)  and 
used  more  widely  in  Germany  than  any  other,  has  been 
first  brought  to  light  by  the  present  writer  in  his  "Quellen 
z.  Geschichte  des  Kirchl.  Unterrichts  zwischen  1530  and 
1600." 

The  English  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  in  addition  to 
other  influences,  manifests  a  copious  use  of  Lutheran 
forms  of  worship,  especially  of  the  "Koelner  Reforma- 
tion," 1543,  edited  by  Melanchthon  and  Butzer. 

In  1548  there  appeared  in  England,  "M.  Luther's  Ser- 
mon on  the  Keys  and  of  Absolution  on  John  20:21,  22," 
translated  by  R.  Argentine.  In  the  same  year  Walter 
Lynne,  a  London  printer,  published  and  dedicated  to  the 
Princess  Elizabeth,  another  of  Luther's  works,  namely, 
"A  frutefull  and  godly  exposition  and  declaration  of  the 
kyngdome  of  Christ  and  of  chrysten  lybertye  made  upon 
the  words  of  the  prophete  Jeremye  of  the  same  matter 
by  the  famous  clerke  Doctor  Martyn  Luther"  .  .  . 
London,  1548.  In  the  following  year  Lynne  published 
another  of  Luther's  writings  under  the  title,  "A  briefe 
collection  of  all  such  testes  of  the  scripture  as  do  declare 
the  most  blessed  and  happie  estate  of  them  that  be  with 
syckness  .  .  .  whereunto  are  added  two  frutefull 
and  comfortable  sermons  made  by  the  famous  clerke 
Doctor  Martyn  Luther."  1549.  (cfr.  P.  Smith  in  'The 
Nation,"  Dec.  17,  1914.) 

Thus  a  Bible,  catechism,  confessions,  and  order  of  wor- 


104         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

ship,  borrowed  from  the  work  done  by  the  Lutheran 
leaders  or  influenced  by  it,  the  first  evangelical  hymnal 
of  England  also  drew  from  Lutheran  sources.  In  1539 
or  earlier  Miles  Coverdale  published  his  "Ghostly  Psalms 
and  Spiritual  Songs,  drawn  out  of  the  Holy  Scripture." 
This  includes  not  only  a  number  of  the  psalms  which  were 
versified  by  Luther,  but  also  some  of  Luther's  hymns  in 
a  liberal  version,  such  as  "Nun  freut  euch,  lieben  Christen 
gmein,"  "Komm  heilger  Geist,"  "Ein'  feste  Burg  ist  unser 
Gott,"  etc.    The  latter  reads, 

•  Our  God  is  a  defense  and  towre 
A  good  armoure  and  good  weapon, 
He  had  been  ever  oure  helpe  and  sucoure 
In  all  the  troubles  that  we  have  ben  in 
Therefore  wyl  we  never  drede 
For  any  wondrous  dede 
By  water  or  by  lande 
In  hilles  or  the  see  side : 
Our  God  hath  them  al  in  his  hande. 

Indeed,  during  1548  and  the  years  following  England 
had  almost  become  a  Lutheran  country.*- 


22.     Luther  and  the  Articles   of  Smalkald,   1537 

The  Council  was  announced  in  1536.  In  view  of  this 
Luther,  at  the  behest  of  the  Elector,  wrote  his  so-called 
Smalkald  Articles,  in  a  way  his  last  will  and  testament. 
Zangemeister  has  made  the  original  manuscript  accessible, 
whereas  Kolde  especially  shows  how  it  came  to  pass  that 
Luther's  articles  were  in  the  end  not  accepted  by  the  as- 
sembled representatives  of  evangelical  lands  and  cities  in 
Smalkald,  and  that  it  was  decided  to  refer  once  more  to 
the  Augustana,  Apology  and  Wittenberg-Concord,  and 


Agricola's  Antinomism,  1537  105 

that  only  Melanchthon's  tract  on  the  power  and  primacy 
of  the  pope  was  officially  added  to  the  others.  Luther 
must  not  have  known  of  Melanchthon's  "small  conduct" 
on  this  occasion  and  of  the  fact  that  his  articles  were  not 
officially  recognized,  for  otherwise  he  could  not  have 
written  in  his  preface  "These  have  been  accepted  by  our 
side  and  unanimously  subscribed  to,  etc."  It  was  due 
to  Kolde  and  Virck  that  we  know  of  this,  whereas  Thieme 
has  treated  of  the  contents  of  these  articles  in  an  appre- 
ciative way.*^ 

Because  Luther  in  the  introduction  acknowledges  once 
more  the  symbols  of  the  old  Church,  we  here  refer  to 
Kattenbusch's  writing  concerning  Luther's  position  in  re- 
spect to  the  oecumenical  confessions.^^ 

23.     Luther  and  Agricola's  Antinomism,    1537 

It  is  known  that  the  antinomistic  tendencies  of  Agricola 
once  more  threatened  to  disturb  the  peace  in  1537,  and  it 
is  also  known  how  Luther  stood  in  regard  to  this. 
Kawerau  shows  that  Luther  was  not  only  compelled  to 
deal  with  Agricola  in  1527  in  the  same  matter,  but  that 
already  in  1524  he,  Bugenhagen  and  Melanchthon  gave 
their  opinion  in  a  very  similar  case — concerning  the 
method  of  preaching  of  the  pastor  in  Chemnitz,  Domin- 
icus  Beyer.  Kawerau  also  shows  just  what  the  final  stand 
of  Luther  in  1537  against  Agricola  had  been.  He  sheds 
new  light  on  Agricola's  character  who,  as  soon  as  he  had 
escaped  to  Brandenburg,  retracted  every  concession  made 
by  him  to  the  Wittenberg  theologians  and  immediately 
taught  his  heresy  in  the  new  edition  of  his  catechism, 
1 541.  His  catechism  is  again  made  accessible  through  the 
latest  volume  (1916)  of  the  present  writer's  "Quellen 
z.  Geschichte  des  kirchl.  Unterrichts."®^* 


io6         Thwty-Fvve  Years  of  Luther  Research 

24.    Luther  and  Philip's  Bigamy,  1539 

I"  1539  (loth  of  December)  Luther  gave  his  unfor- 
tunate "confessional  advice"  to  Philip  the  Landgrave  of 
Hesse  concerning  the  latter's  bigamy.  It  will  be  readily 
understood  that  Luther  has  been  much  attacked  within  the 
last  decades  because  of  this,  and  that  the  event  has  been 
thoroughly  aired  in  order  to  drag  Luther  himself  into 
the  mire.  Lenz,  Koldewey,  Walther,  Kolde,  Rockwell, 
Brieger,  N.  Mueller,  and  Koehler  have  contributed  much 
toward  clearing  up  this  episode  and  toward  the  correct 
understanding  of  Luther's  action.**  The  last-named  es- 
pecially has  directed  his  attention  against  the  never-dying 
Roman  slander  in  this  connection  that  Luther,  having 
demanded  at  the  Eisenach  Conference  (July,  1540)  that 
Philip  should  silence  this  happening  with  a  "good,  healthy 
lie,"  a  necessary  lie  (Nutzluege),  was  at  all  events  an  en- 
tirely untrustworthy  and  prevaricating  person.  It  is  ex- 
ceedingly strange  that  men  have  dared  to  consider  just 
this  man  guilty  of  lying  who  has  said,  among  other  things, 
"No  virtue  has  made  us  Germans  more  famous,  and,  as 
I  believe,  has  elevated  us  higher  heretofore  and  has  kept 
us  in  that  position,  than  the  fact  that  we  have  been  es- 
teemed faithful,  trustworthy  and  steadfast  folk,  to  whom 
'no'  meant  'no'  and  'yes'  meant  'yes.'  And  although  for- 
eign and  Grecian  vices  ai^  already  becoming  native 
among  us,  yet  thus  it  has  always  remained  that  there  can 
be  no  graver  and  uglier  word  spoken  or  heard  than  to  call 
some  one  else  a  liar  or  to  be  called  that  oneself." 

However,  Koehler  errs  when  he  traces  back  this  mis- 
take of  Luther  in  the  matter  with  Philip  to  his  theology, 
i.  e.,  "his  extreme  supernaturalism."  It  probably  orig- 
inated in  this,  that  Luther  in  this  case  resorted  to  the 


Revision  of  His  Bible,  i^ji-1^41  107 

casuistic  "morale"  and  held  that  in  the  end  a  smaller  sin 
might  be  substituted  for  a  greater  one,  instead  of  dis- 
carding this  opinion  from  the  very  outset.  Or  it  may  be 
explained  according  to  Hermelink,  first,  through  the  dis- 
tinct difference  between  spiritual  and  secular  justice  as 
it  existed  in  Luther's  conception  of  religion,  i.  c,  the  first 
marriage  would  be  binding  according  to  secular  law, 
whereas  the  second  only  before  God  and  the  conscience 
of  the  contracting  parties ;  second,  through  practice  ac- 
cording to  which  a  dispensation  could  be  granted  secretly 
for  an  action  that  the  public  law  prohibited. 

25.     Luther  and  the  Revision  of  His  Bible,  1531-1541 

The  year  1541  saw  the  completion  of  the  revision  of 
his  Bible  translation  which  he  had  begun  in  1531,  which 
gave  us  the  German  Bible  as  we  know  it  today,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  individual  passages,  the  revision  of 
which  took  place  later  on.  What  great  care  and  work 
Luther  devoted  to  the  work  of  his  translation  of  the 
Bible  is  now  made  evident  by  the  third  volume  of  Luther's 
"Deutsche  Bibel"  (Weimar  Edition).  Here  we  find  the 
newly-discovered  minutes  of  the  sessions  arranged  by 
Luther  with  Melanchthon,  Bugenhagen,  Jonas,  Cruciger, 
Aurogallus,  etc.,  for  the  special  purpose  of  revision  of 
Luther's  translation.  Three  such  revisions  have  taken 
place  in  1531,  1534  and  1539-1541.  In  1531  only  the 
Psalter  was  revised,  in  1 539-1 541  the  entire  Bible.  The 
minutes  of  the  revision  in  1534  are  lost,  so  nothing  can 
be  stated  positively.  Reichart  and  Koffmane,  who  have 
treated  the  pertaining  questions  before,  furnished  the 
text  of  the  minutes  and  commented  successfully  on 
them.^°  How  interesting  it  is  to  watch  now  the  gradual 
growth  of  Luther's  Bible !    Risch  sums  up  the  problems 


io8         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

arising  from  the  new  material  as  well  as  connected  with 
Luther's  Bible  in  general. ^^    Compare  chapter  14. 

26.    The  Last  Years  of  Luther's  Life- Work 

For  the  years  1541  and  1542  Brandenburg  published 
an  investigation  in  which  he  shows  how  Luther  was  by 
no  means  afraid  to  step  into  the  path  of  the  Elector. 
When  the  Elector,  in  his  political  dealings  with  the  Arch- 
bishop Albrecht  of  Mainz,  patron  of  Halle,  in  regard  to 
Halle  impetuously  pursued  his  own  advantage,  Luther 
called  his  attention  to  the  sacredness  of  his  given  word.** 

It  had  been  popularly  supposed  that  Luther's  well- 
known  hymn,  Erhalt  uns  Herr  bei  deinem  Wort,  had  been 
composed  in  1541 ;  but  Albrecht  proved  that  it  must  have 
been  existent  already  at  least  in  1537,  because  he  found  it 
in  the  index  for  hymns  in  the  church  constitution  of 
Naumburg  of  1537.  Kolde  has  especially  followed  the 
history  of  this  hymn  in  "Beitraege  z.  bayrischen  Kirchen- 
geschichte."^'' 

Because  Luther  in  1542  once  more  took  up  his  issue 
with  the  infidel  and  heart-hardened  Jews,  we  here  refer 
to  Buchwald's  and  Lewin's  work  concerning  Luther's 
position  toward  the  Jews.*'^  Lewin  distinguishes  four 
periods  in  Luther's  stand  toward  the  Jews.  Before  the 
diet  at  Worms  Luther  did  not  come  in  personal  contact 
with  the  Jews ;  what  he  now  and  then  said  about  them  is 
based  entirely  on  the  literature  of  his  time  concerning  this 
people  and  on  his  reading  of  the  Bible.  At  Worms  he 
became  acquainted  with  two  Jews  who  argued  with  him 
about  Is.  7,  14.  Other  Jews  enter  in  connection  with 
him,  and  he  believes  in  the  possibility  of  their  conversion. 
In  1523  he  published  his  writing,  "Dass  Jesus  Christus 
ein  geborner  Jude  sei,"  and  favors  the  endeavor  to  con- 


Last  Years  of  Luther's  Life-Work  109 

vince  them  by  means  of  biblical  disputations.  But  the 
Jews  did  not  show  up.  The  years  1524-36  form  the  tran- 
sitory period.  Luther  had  disagreeable  experiences  with 
Jews.  These  and  their  attacks  against  his  Bible  transla- 
tion cooled  him  off.  In  1536  the  Elector  expelled  the 
Jews  from  his  territory  and  Luther  refused  to  intercede ; 
in  1538  he  wrote  his  "Brief  wider  die  Sabbather,"  which 
is  followed  by  other  writings  of  increasing  severity  :  "Von 
den  Juden  und  ihren  Luegen,"  "Vom  Schem  Hampho- 
ras,"  "Von  den  letzten  Worten  Davids,"  "Die  Ver- 
mahnung  wider  die  Juden." 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  in  the  last  years  of 
Luther's  life  new  fuel  was  heaped  on  the  sacramental 
controversy.  The  year  1545  brought  another  sharp  at- 
tack against  Rome.  By  means  of  a  series  of  circulars 
containing  pictures  and  satirical  verses  Luther  waged  an 
immoderate  and  coarse  attack  against  the  papacy.  C. 
Wendeler  has  proved  that  the  nauseating  representation 
of  the  "papist-child's"  birth  in  the  most  offensive  picture 
was  not  Luther's  fault,  but  solely  that  of  the  painter  for 
Luther  was  only  responsible  for  the  verses  and  not  the 
pictures.®" 

His  "Pabsttreu  Hadriani  IV  u.  Alexanders  III  gegen 
Kaiser  Friederich  Barbarossa  geuebt"  reminds  us  of  his 
knozvledge  in  church  history,  and  of  what  Schaefer  and 
Koehler  have  to  say  concerning  this."°  From  1 535-1 545 
Luther  has  devoted  a  good  deal  of  his  time  to  historical 
studies.  Especially  in  his  writing  "Von  den  Conciliis 
und  Kirchen"  he  shows  an  historical  knowledge  surpris- 
ing by  its  wide  range  and  real  thoroughness. 

In  1556  Hardenberg,  of  Bremen,  stated  that  Luther 
had  changed  his  vieivs  on  the  Eucharist  in  his  last  dis- 
cussion with  Melanchthon,  and  had  said :     "There  has 


no  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

been  too  much  ado  made  about  the  Lord's  supper,  etc." 
Amsdorf  also  accused  Roerer,  the  editor  of  Luther's 
Works,  of  having  falsified  Luther's  writing,  "Dass  diese 
Worte  noch  feststehen,"  because  some  of  the  parts  did 
not  agree  with  the  original  of  1524.  It  was  rendering  a 
valuable  service  when  Haussleiter  proved  that  Harden- 
berg's  assertions  were  not  entirely  lacking  in  historical 
foundations,  but  that  the  fact  had  been  much  distorted 
here.  The  conference  at  Regensburg,  namely,  at  which 
Butzer  represented  the  Protestants,  occurred  at  the  same 
time  when  the  second  volume  of  Luther's  German  works 
was  to  be  printed.  Therefore  it  was  the  wish  of  the  Land- 
grave Philip  and  the  court  of  Electoral  Saxony  that  in 
publishing  this  writing,  "Dass  diese  Worte  noch  festste- 
hen," the  sharp  utterances  directed  against  Butzer's  tac- 
tics in  the  Eucharistic  Controversy  should  be  erased. 
Luther  acted  according  to  their  wish,  for,  in  the  first 
place,  this  omission  did  not  involve  any  real  change  in 
the  doctrine,  and  then,  Butzer's  position  in  this  matter 
itself  was  altered  in  important  points  (Wittenberg  Con- 
cord). Luther's  action  therefore  meant  by  no  means  an 
actual  retraction;  it  only  accommodated  itself  to  the  new 
situation  and  was  only  just  and  proper.'-"- 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the  Catholic  Paul 
Majunke,  1890,  once  more  played  the  patron  to  the  old 
falsehood  of  1568,  that  Luther  died  a  suicide,  and  that 
this  assertion  brought  forth  a  whole  series  of  writings 
against  it ;  the  most  important  literature  in  connection 
with  this  has  also  been  mentioned.  We  mention  N. 
Paulus,  who  a  Catholic  scholar  himself,  repudiated  Ma- 
junke's  assertion,  and  B.  Grabinski,  Wie  ist  Luther  gestor- 
ben,  191 3.  Lately  several  reports  on  Luther's  death  have 
been  discovered  that  bear  upon  this  controversy.     Dr. 


:2  3 


4-1      '-' 

•Is 


Si       ■" 


o  «  o 
■-5  Ji  o 

=  1-1'" 


■H 


'5i  ^ 


H 


List  of  Auxiliary  Literature  iii 

Spaeth  published  an  hitherto  unknown  report  on  Luther's 
last  hours  in  the  Lutheran  Church  Review  (1910), 
and  J.  Strieder  made  the  authentic  reports  concerning  his 
dying  accessible  to  all  in  a  cheap  pamphlet.^' 

27.     A  List  of  Auxiliary  Literature 

Finally  it  remains  to  point  out  what  auxiliary  literature 
must  necessarily  be  used  if  one  wishes  to  make  a  true 
and  faithful  reproduction  of  the  time  in  which  Luther 
lived  and  of  the  people  with  whom  he  was  intimately 
associated. 

Especially  to  be  considered  here  are  the  complete  ac- 
counts of  the  history  of  the  Reformation  century.  We 
name  Ranke,  Egelhaaf,  Hasuser,  von  Bezold,  Lamprecht, 
Brandi,  Brieger,  and  Mentz;  Kawerau,  Lindsay,  and 
Hermelink.^^ 

To  him  who  wishes  to  work  with  manuscripts  in  the 
libraries  and  archives,  the  study  of  the  "Handschriften- 
proben"  of  Picker  &  AVinckelmann,  or  of  Mentz  is  to  be 
recommended;  and  the  "Addressbuch  der  deutschen 
Bibliotheken"  by  Schwenke  is  indispensable.^*  The 
"Quellenkunde  der  deutschen  Geschichte"  of  Dahlmann- 
Waitz,  the  "List  of  References  on  the  History  of  the 
Reformation  in  Germany,"  by  Kieffer,  and  especially  the 
"Quellenkunde  zur  deutschen  Reformationsgeschichte" 
of  Wolf,  which  is  just  making  its  appearance,  will  render 
valuable  service.^^ 

If  we  wish  to  specialize,  we  must  have  at  our  disposal 
Buchwald's  publications  on  Wittenberg,'*®  a  complete 
series  of  biographies"^  and  correspondences,"^  a  collection 
of  circulars  from  the  first  years  of  the  Reformation,  the 
collection  of  church  constitutions  by  Sehling,  and  the 
detailed  publications  on  sources  by  Cohrs  and  Reu."" 


112  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

Gothein,  Vogt,  Kaser,  Caro,  Stoltze,  Sommerlad, 
Keuckhohn,  Harvey  et  al.,  discuss  the  social  and  economic 
conditions.^*^'' 

It  will  readily  be  seen  that  the  "Zeitschrift  fuer 
Kirchengeschichte,"  "Theolologische  Studien  und  Kriti- 
ken,"  especially  "Das  Archiv  fuer  Reformations- 
geschichte,"  also  "Theol.  Jahresbericht,"  now,  sorry  to 
relate,  defunct,  must  also  be  used  in  this  connection.  And 
Hauck's  "Realenzyklopsedie"  will  prove  to  be  a  veritable 
treasure  chest  for  every  student  of  the  history  of  the 
Reformation. 


V.    THE  IMPORTANT  LUTHER  BIOGRAPHIES 

Biographies  of  Luther  based  upon  all  this  material  we 
do  not  possess  at  this  time.  As  a  matter  of  fact  a  whole 
series  of  Luther  biographies  has  appeared  since  1883. 
Eminently  fitted  for  popular  use  are  those  of  G.  Freytag, 
Plitt-Petersen,  Koestlin,  Burk,  Lenz,  Rade,  Buchwald, 
Stein,  Dose,  Dorneth,  Wackernagel,  Graebner,  Jacobs, 
McGiffert,  Smith,  Preuss,  Reu,  and  Singmaster.^°'^ 
Among  these  Stein,  Dose,  Dorneth,  Wackernagel,  Preuss, 
Reu,  and  Singmaster  are  completely  pitched  in  a  popular 
key,  whereas  the  others  seek  to  fulfill  scientific  demands 
more  or  less.  Among  the  German  biographies  the  book 
of  Lenz  ranks  very  high.  Only  a  relatively  small  book,  it 
does  not  make  the  reader  acquainted  with  the  details  in 
the  life  of  the  Reformer,  for  it  was  originally  written 
under  the  commission  of  the  Berlin  Council  to  be  dis- 
tributed among  school  pupils,  but  it  takes  its  contents 
from  the  whole  and  portrays  the  great  moments  of  de- 
velopments in  wonderful  fashion.  Of  similar  character  is 
the  short  biography  of  Preuss,  the  jubilee  (191 7)  gift  of 
the  "Allgemeine  Luth.  Konferenz"  for  the  German  peo- 
ple. Larger  and,  on  the  whole,  very  good  is  the  book  of 
Plitt,  which  Petersen  edited  upon  Plitt's  death.  Among 
the  English  biographies  the  one  of  Smith  will  have  to  be 
mentioned  in  the  first  place,  although  he  did  not  always 
succeed  in  being  just  to  Luther  in  his  representation. 
Reu-Rausch  is  written  for  the  Young  People's  Societies ; 
the  richly  illustrated  edition  is  for  the  Christian  home  in 
general.  Excellent,  but  incomplete,  is  the  latest  biography 
of  Luther  from  the  pen  of  Jacobs,  which  appeared  in  the 
first  part  of  the  Lutheran  Survey.     Here  also  Bezzel's 

113 


114         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

masterful  sketch  "Warum  wir  Luther  lieben"  has  been 
given  us  in  English  translation."^ 

The  historian  of  literature,  Berger,  has  written  Luther's 
life  in  the  interest  of  history  of  culture.  He  wrote,  first 
of  all,  a  volume  concerning  the  development  of  culture 
and  religion  from  the  times  of  the  Old  Church  through 
the  entire  Middle  Ages,  in  order  to  proceed  thoroughly 
and  to  show  the  time  in  which  Luther  makes  himself 
noticed  in  the  development.  Hausrath's  Luther  biogra- 
phy, two  volumes,  shows  many  points  of  contact  with 
Berger's  work,  although  it  is  entirely  original  and  valu- 
able. H.  von  Schubert  says  of  it  in  the  preface  of  the 
second  edition :  "Hausrath's  Luther  is  conceived  and  por- 
trayed as  Carlyle  conceived  and  portrayed  his  heroes,  with 
the  mind  of  an  historian  and  poet.  It  may  be  that  here 
and  there  corrections  may  be  made,  that  here  and  there 
the  brush  daubed  on  too  vivid  colors,  but  forsooth  the 
highest  has  been  achieved:  The  great  personality  has 
been  so  vitally  understood  from  its  very  depths  and  has 
been  accorded  its  place  in  its  time,  that  its  visible,  world- 
known  and  world-recasting  influence  is  made  believable." 
Kawerau  says  in  1908:  "In  striking  antitheses  and  in 
effectual  arranging  Hausrath  has  created  passages  that 
rank  with  the  most  beautiful  writings  that  we  have  on 
Luther.  One  would  wish  that  some  of  these  passages 
would  be  taken  up  into  the  readers  of  our  children."  But 
as  thankful  as  we  are  for  Hausrath's  Luther,  still  it  is  not 
the  whole  Luther  whom  he  portrayed.  The  whole  Luther 
will  only  be  portrayed  by  him  who  believes  and  confesses 
as  Luther  did.^''- 

Koestlin's  great  Luther  work,  named  before,  which  ap- 
peared in  1883  in  an  improved  edition,  sought  to  satisfy 
all  scientific  demands.    Luther's  life  is  not  only  discussed 


Important  Ltither  Biographies  115 

in  its  smallest  details  in  this  work,  but  the  main  contents 
of  almost  all  of  his  writings  are  given  to  the  reader. 
For  that  reason  it  is  even  today  the  leading  work  on 
Luther,  especially  since  it  was  thoroughly  revised  by 
Kawerau  in  its  fifth  edition. 

In  the  fall  of  1883  there  was  added  to  this  the  work 
of  Th.  Kolde.^'*^  According  to  its  preface  it  undertook 
"to  portray  Luther  on  the  basis  of  the  complete  develop- 
ment of  his  people,  to  consider  as  much  as  possible  the 
diverse  movements  and  hindrances  in  regard  to  the  polit- 
ical, social,  and  scientific  phase  alongside  of  the  ecclesias- 
tical and  religious,  in  order  that  through  this  not  only 
the  success  of  the  Reformer,  but  also  the  protests  which 
he  called  forth  may  be  better  understood."  His  diction 
is  not  at  all  weighty,  yet  the  whole  representation,  in  spite 
of  its  great  simplicity,  partakes  of  the  artistic  and  reveals 
everywhere  the  truly  learned,  who  digs  deep,  who  is  not 
only  acquainted  with  what  others  achieved  before  him, 
but  who  himself,  step  for  step,  enriches  and  intensifies  the 
investigatory  work. 

Kolde's  production  was  completed  in  1893,  and  Koest- 
lin's  Luther  in  the  new  edition,  revised  by  Kawerau,  in 
1903.  That  explains  why  we  possess  no  Luther  biography 
today  that  considers  the  investigations  of  the  last  12-14 
years,  as  Brieger's  otherwise  excellent  work,  "Die  Re- 
formation" (cf.  above),  starts  out  from  a  broader  view- 
point, and  is  too  briefly  written.  Perhaps  Scheel's  "Mar- 
tin Luther.  Vom  Katholizismus  zur  Reformation"  ist 
vol.,  1916),  will  eventually  blossom  out  into  a  complete 
Luther  biography.  In  the  meantime  Boehmer,  in  his 
excellent  "Luther  im  Licht  der  neuen  Forschung"  (3d 
edition,  1914),  also  translated  into  English,  has  provided 
for  this  eventuality,  so  that  all  the  important  points  in  the 


ii6         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

life  of  the  Reformer  that  have  suffered  changes,  are 
easily  seen.  For  that  reason  his  "kritischer  Bericht"  is  a 
necessary  complement  to  every  earlier  Luther  biography ; 
something  that  must  not  be  overlooked.  It  is  very  for- 
tunate, therefore,  that  Huth  has  given  us  this  book  in 
an  American  translation,  just  in  that  year  when  on  ac- 
count of  England's  piracy  and  the  American  government's 
shameful  incompetency  to  assert  its  rights  an  unhindered 
mail  service  between  this  country  and  the  birthplace  of 
the  Reformer  is  not  possible. ^^* 

Walther's  book,  "Fuer  Luther  wider  Rom"  (1906), 
is  highly  important  for  our  American  Lutheran  Church, 
which  in  the  face  of  a  Catholicism  steadily  growing  more 
blatant  must  elevate  and  defend  Luther.  For  in  this  book 
he  embodied  all  his  former  publications  against  Rome's 
falsifications  in  Luther's  history,  "Luther  im  neuesten 
roemischen  Gericht,"  2  parts  ;  "Luther's  Beruf,"  "Luther's 
Glaubensgewissheit,"  "Das  6te  Gebot  u.  Luther's  Leben." 
He  devoted  considerable  time  also  to  Denifle,  and  thus 
he  created  for  us  an  arsenal  filled  with  trusty  weapons, 
to  be  used  at  any  time  in  Luther's  defense.  Essays  like 
A.  Harnack's  "Martin  Luther  in  seiner  Bedeutung  fuer 
die  Geschichte  der  Wissenschaft  und  der  Bildung" 
(*i9ii)  and  H.  v.  Treitschke's  "Luther  und  die  deutsche 
Nation"  (Preuss.  Jahrbuecher),  1883,  will  ever  keep 
their  place ;  and  Walther's  latest  work  on  Luther,  "Lu- 
ther's Charakter"  (Leipzig,  Deichers),  191 7,  which  is 
his  jubilee  gift  to  the  church,  will  for  decades  prove  to 
be  of  peculiar  importance. 

How  Luther  was  judged  during  four  centuries  is  made 
plain  by  R.  Eickart  (Luther  im  Urteil  bedeutender  Maen- 
ner,  1905),  O.  Hegemann  (Luther  im  katholischen  Urteil, 
Eine  Wanderung  durch  vier  Jahrunderte,  1905)  and  H. 


Important  Luther  Biographies  117 

Stephaii  (Luther  in  den  Wandlungen  seiner  Kirche,  1907). 

Finally  there  still  remains  to  call  attention  to  complete 
representations  of  Luther's  theology  and  to  such  publica- 
tions as  have  made  Luther's  historical  position  the  object 
of  their  research.  Jul.  Koestlin,  Theo.  Harnack  and  lately 
Gottschick  have  represented  Luther's  theology  in  our 
period,  whereas  W.  Walther  and  R.  Eger  have  attended 
especially  to  his  ethics.  With  these  are  to  be  compared 
text-books  of  History  of  Dogma,  by  A.  Harnack,  Loofs, 
and  Seeberg,  and  especially  the  ones  by  Tschackert  and 
O.  Ritschl.^05 

The  assertion  that  Luther  did  not  usher  in  the  new  era, 
but  really  belonged  to  the  Middle  Ages,  was  made  by 
Troeltsch,  W.  Koehler  endeavoring  to  support  it.  But 
Brieger,  Loofs,  Kattenbusch,  Boehmer,  and  others  have 
energetically  opposed  it.^°"  Troeltsch  would  hardly  have 
arrived  at  this  conclusion  if  he  had  not  started  with  the 
problem  "J^sus  or  Paul"  in  the  sense  of  the  modern 
school,  and  if  he  had  not  been  firmly  convinced  from  the 
very  outset  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  absolute  truth 
and  authority.  Certainly,  if  you  do  not  recognize  an 
absolute  truth  and  authority,  then  you  must  necessarily 
relegate  Luther  to  the  Middle  Ages,  where  the  belief  in 
authority  was  the  Alpha  and  Omega.  But  if  you  are  con- 
vinced of  this,  and  if,  having  an  open  mind  for  all  present- 
day  problems,  you  still  see  with  gladness  and  thankfulness 
in  the  word  of  God  the  highest  authority  for  your  re- 
ligious life,  then  you  will  see  in  Luther  the  herald  of  the 
new  age,  an  age  unshackled  from  human  authority — the 
papacy  and  science  overstepping  its  rightful  boundaries 
alike,  but  nevertheless  an  age  whose  conscience  recognizes 
itself  as  bound  by  the  authority  of  the  Divine  Word,  and 
entirely  bound. 


FOOT  NOTES 

^  "Insight  into  the  past,  without  reference  to  the  present;  solely 
with  the  view  to  ascertain  by  means  of  detailed  research  work  in 
the  sources,  what  a  course  events  actually  took,  i.  e.,  to  recon- 
struct as  much  as  possible  with  the  skill  of  an  artist  the  course 
of  events,  after  considering  all  the  things  that  limited  the  life  of 
the  individual  as  well  as  the  development  of  the  whole" — thus 
Kolde  characterizes  the  Rankean  School  (Hauck's  Realenzyk, 
vol.  22,,  p.  325).  When  Preserved  Smith  says  in  his  useful  work, 
"Luther's  Correspondence  and  Other  Contemporary  Letters," 
1913,  vol.  I,  p.  5 :  "By  the  great  Ranke  and  his  school  the  sources 
of  history  most  esteemed  were  public  documents — the  treaty,  the 
legislative  act,  the  contract,  the  charter,  the  edict.  There  is  now 
a  reaction  from  this  method.  The  memoir,  the  journal,  the  pri- 
vate letters  are  coming  into  favor  again,  if  only  as  necessary 
interpreters  of  the  public  act,"  he  does  not  judge  the  Rankean 
School  correctly. 

2  "For  work  in  church  history  there  is  not,  and  there  can  not 
be  any  other  method  than  the  one  long  since  employed  in  secular 
history" — Kolde,  "Ueber  die  Grenzen  des  historischen  Erken- 
nens,"  1891,  p.  4.  Since  1874  he  worked  according  to  this  prin- 
ciple ;  about  Renter  cf.  Kolde's  article  in  Hauck's  Enzyk.,  vol. 
XVL 

3  "Since  my  unforgettable  teacher,  H.  Reuter,  pointed  out  to 
the  modern  study  of  church  history  new  paths  in  this  direction, 
it  is  commonly  acknowledged  to-day,  that  the  church  historian 
must  in  no  small  measure  take  the  secular  history  of  the  Chris- 
tian period  into  the  confines  of  his  researches" — Kolde,  "Ueber 
die  Grenzen,  etc.,"  p.  4.  "It  is  commonly  acknowledged  nowadays 
that  secular  and  church  history  do  not  run  parallel  to  each  other 
like  two  streams,  that  only  touch,  when  one  of  them  overflows 
its  banks,  but,  that  they  continually  permeate  and  limit  each 
other,  and  that  the  history  of  countries,  of  society,  and  of  the 
entire  intellectual  life  are  no  less  of  the  highest  importance  for 

118 


,_H 

lO 

o 

m 

hn 

u 

0) 

«j 

X 

0 

(U 

J 


Foot  Notes  119 

the  development  of  church  and  religious  life  than  the  influence 
these  have  exerted  at  all  times  upon  those  other  developments" — 
Kolde,  in  "Neue  Kirchliche  Zeitschrift,"  1900,  p.  185.  "I  can 
explain  my  own  scientific  tendency  in  that,  that,  stimulated  also 
by  Renter  in  this  direction,  I  have  emphasized  in  opposition  to 
the  school  of  Neander,  that  a  real  insight  into  church  historical 
development  is  only  attainable  through  the  closest  conjunction 
with  knowledge  of  the  development  of  the  history  of  the  world 
and  the  entire  intellectual  life,  and,  that  especially  for  the  under- 
standing of  church  history  since  the  end  of  the  Middle  Ages  a 
better  basis,  gained  through  research  work  in  archives,  so  long 
neglected  by  theology,  is  very  necessary" — Kolde  in  the  year  1903. 
That  he  was  dominated  by  these  principles  from  the  beginning 
of  his  activities  as  an  investigator  and  also  wrote  his  Luther 
biography  from  this  viewpoint,  we  will  attempt  to  show  a  little 
later. 

^  Herder  of  St.  Louis  brought  out  the  English  edition. 

5  W.  Walther  in  "Luther  im  neuesten  roemischen  Gericht"  L 
Halle,  1884,  p.  15,  "Janssen|s  History  of  the  German  people  is 
very  dangerous  reading  matter ;  in  order  to  refute  every  wrong 
word  in  this  work,  one  would  have  to  publish  such  a  voluminous 
work,  that  there  would  be  hardly  any  subscribers  for  it.  There 
are  not  a  few  pages  in  this  book  where  nearly  every  sentence  in 
some  way  calls  forth  our  protest.  For  the  individual,  smaller 
parts  are  prepared  with  such  consummate  art,  these  parts  again 
constructed  into  larger  groups  with  such  skill,  and  these  groups 
again  dovetailed  into  the  whole  picture  with  fairly  invisible 
cement  that  one  would  not  only  have  to  uncover  the  errors  in 
these  smaller  parts,  but  above  all  those  in  the  phrases  that  con- 
nect these,  in  order  to  refute  Janssen  thoroughly." 

^  In  W.  Walther's  "Luther  im  roemischen  Gericht,"  L  Halle, 
1874,  one  can  find,  p.  16  sq.,  a  complete  list  of  such  libelous  writ- 
ings.    Majunke's  "Luther's  Lebensende"  is  meant  here. 

'  Together  with  L.  Pastor's  continuation  of  Janssen's  history, 
L.  Pastor,  "Erlaeuterungen  und  Ergaenzungen  zu  Janssen's  Ge- 
schichte  des  deutschen  Volkes,"  published  since  1903,  is  especially 
to  be  considered. 

8  Of  manuscripts  in  the  first  edition,  Koestlin  only  used  the 
Table-Talk  collection  of  Val.  Bavarus,  which  was  at  Gotha.    In 


120  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

the  second  edition,  he  made  use  of  the  Table-Talk  collection, 
collected  by  J.  K.  Seidemann.  Moreover,  he  had  the  service 
especially  of  Knaake's  valuable  collection  of  Luther's  printed 
writings,  Luther's  first  lecture  on  the  Psalms  in  the  time  between 
1513  and  1516,  edited  by  Seidemann,  1876,  in  which  the  maturing 
of  his  new  theology  could  be  detected,  and,  if  we  exclude  the  less 
important,  Kolde's  study  of  the  German  Augustinian  Congre- 
gation. 

8  In  "Beitraege  zur  Reformationsgeschichte,"  dedicated  to 
Koestlin,  1896,  Kawerau  supplemented  this  monogravure. 

1*^  Thus  for  example  Kawerau  confesses  (Theologische  Stu- 
dien  und  Kritiken,  1908,  p.  343)  :  "I  am  personally  indebted  to 
Kolde  especially  for  the  fact  that,  through  his  preliminary  work, 
my  attention  was  directed  to  the  letters  of  the  reformers  that 
were  in  the  archives  at  Zerbst.  I  was  enabled,  solely  through  this 
clue,  to  collect  the  letters  of  Justus  Jonas  (with  which  work  I 
had  begun)  in  such  great  numbers  that  I  could  publish  them, 
1884  and  1885,  in  two  volumes." 

^^  A  part  of  the  Vatican  Library ;  so  called  because  it  was 
originally  in  the  Palatinate  (at  Heidelberg).  After  the  capture 
of  Heidelberg  by  Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  1622,  Maximilian  made 
a  present  of  it  to  Pope  Gregory  XV.  In  February,  1623,  the 
papal  delegate  Leo  Allatius  sent  the  manuscripts  and  a  large  part 
of  the  printed  matter  to  Rome. 

12  Concerning  this  peculiar  incident  and  the  ugly  features  con- 
nected with  it,  for  which,  however,  Ficker  is  not  responsible,  we 
would  rather  say  nothing;  cf.  "Theologische  Literaturzeitung," 
1905,  column  684. 

IS  At  that  time  we  immediately  acquainted  the  American  Lu- 
theran Church  with  this  through  a  copy  of  an  article  by  W.  Braun 
in  "Kirchliche  Zeitschrift,"  1909,  pp.  471-496.  But  the  trouble  is, 
that  most  of  our  English  Lutheran  theologians  do  not  consider 
this  German  magazine  worthy  of  their  notice. 

1*  Meissinger,  in  "Luther's  Exegese  in  der  Fruehzeit,"  1911, 
shows  that  it  can  not  be  absolutely  ascertained  that  Luther  gave 
lectures  on  the  Epistle  to  Titus,  furthermore  that  it  is  not  beyond 
doubt  whether  the  lectures  on  Genesis  and  I  Corinthians,  which 
have  been  attributed  to  him,  are  his;  in  the  same  connection, 


Foot  Notes  121 

Meissinger  characterizes  the  lectures  on  the  Epistle  to  the  He- 
brews on  basis  of  the  manuscript. 

IS  P.  Drew's  "Disputationen  Luthers  in  den  Jahren  1535  bis 
1545  an  der  Universitaet  Wittenberg  gehalten,"  Goettingen,  1905. 

^^  G.  Buchwald  "Ungedruckte  Predigten  Luthers  von  der  Co- 
burg,"  1884;  G.  Buchwald  "A.  Poachs  Sammlung  ungedruckter 
Predigten  Luthers,"  1884  and  1885 ;  G.  Buchwald  "Elf  bisher 
ungedruckte  Predigten  Luthers  von  1539,"  1888;  G.  Buchwald 
"Ungedruckte  Predigten  Luthers  von  1537  bis  1540,"  1905. 

^"^  "Dr.  Martin  Luther's  Tischreden  oder  CoUoquia.  Nach 
Aurifabers  erster  Ausgabe,  mit  sorgfaeltiger  Vergleichung  sowohl 
der  Stangwaldschen  als  der  Selneccerischen  Redaktion,"  edited 
by  K.  Ed.  Foerstemann,  vols.  1-3,  Leipzig,  1844-46;  vol.  4,  edited 
by  E.  Bindseil,  Berlin,  1848.  "D.  Martini  Lutheri  Colloquia  .  .  . 
e  Codice  Ms.  Bibliothecae  Orphanotrophii  Halensis  cum  perpetua 
collatione  editionis  Rebenstockianae  .  .  .  edita  ab  Henrico  Er- 
nesto Bindseil."  3  vols.  Lemgo  and  Detmold,  1863-1866.  "M. 
Anton  Lauterbachs,  Diakoni  zu  Wittenberg,  Tagebuch  auf  das 
Jahr,  1538,  die  Hauptquelle  der  Tischreden  Luthers,"  edited  from 
the  Ms.  by  J.  K.  Seidemann,  Dresden,  1872. 

1®  Kawerau  in  Hauck's  Realenzyk,  2  p.  292,  "Among  Auri- 
faber's  collection  of  Luther's  last  table-talks  reproduced  from 
Aurifaber's  own  notations,  only  those  are  of  substantial  worth 
that  he  wrote  first.  They  originate  from  his  own  pen  and  bear 
the  mark  of  his  cumbersome  and  wordy  style.  Most  of  these 
notations  are  based  on  A.  Lauterbach's  preparatory  work.  Lauter- 
bach  had  already  worked  over  some  notations  from  Luther's 
table,  some  of  his  own,  some  of  others  which  originally  had  been 
chronologically  arranged,  into  a  large  collection,  which  is  not  to 
be  confused  with  his  diary,  edited  by  Seidemann  in  1872.  This 
collection  is  arranged  partly  according  to  the  cardinal  doctrines 
of  the  Christian  faith  and  partly  alphabetically  after  the  first 
letters  of  Latin  catch-words  (edited  by  Bindseil  in  Latin,  1863), 
Lauterbach  went  over  his  work  again  in  order  to  improve  the 
arrangement;  the  edition  of  Rebenstock,  1571,  is  the  print  of 
this  revision  in  which  the  author  also  translated  all  the  German 
phrases  into  Latin.  Aurifaber  had  for  years  zealously  collected 
table-talks  of  Luther  from  the  notations  of  others  (Cordatus, 
Schlaginhaufen,  V.  Dietrich,  Matthesius  et  al.).     He  also  pos- 


123  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

sessed  for  his  use  a  copy  of  the  collection  of  Lauterbach  which 
contained  a  revision  of  the  Ms.  at  Halle.  Furthermore,  he  had 
the  use  of  a  smaller  collection  in  which  talks  of  Luther  were 
systematically  arranged  and  which  was  already  completely  trans- 
lated into  German  (preserved  in  Wolfenbuettel :  878  Helmst). 
Aurifaber  worked  the  second  part  of  Lauterbach's  translation 
into  the  first  and  interlarded  his  collection  with  sayings  from 
other  notations.  At  the  same  time  he  combined  and  interlarded 
the  texts  of  different  versions  of  the  same  conversations,  or  again 
offered  the  same  conversation  in  different  recensions  at  different 
places.  Like  the  German  collection  of  Wolfenbuettel,  which  he 
took  over  word  for  word  into  his  collection,  he  translated  Latin 
pieces  into  German.  Therefore  his  work,  which  has  conserved 
Luther's  table-talks  until  the  present  day,  possesses  only  second- 
ary or  even  less  value  as  a  collection  of  original  talks,  the  work 
originally  being  meant  to  serve  its  readers  only  in  an  edifying 
and  entertaining  way.  The  historical  investigator  must  leave  it 
out  of  consideration  and  go  back  to  original  notations  still  in 
existence.  The  editor  committed  many  errors  and  was  often 
desultory;  his  practice  of  combining  parallel  texts  is  critically 
questionable;  his  usually  apt  translations  often  become  verbose 
paraphrases.  There  can,  however,  be  no  thought  of  intentional 
fraud  here,  although  at  times  his  prejudices  show  themselves 
quite  plainly. 

19  "Tagebuch  ueber  Dr.  Martin  Luther  gefuehrt  von  Dr.  Con- 
rad Cordatus,  1537,"  published  for  the  first  time  by  H.  Wrampel- 
meyer,  Halle,  1885. 

20  Compare  with  this  the  explanations  of  Kroker  in  vol.  2  of 
the  Table-Talk  Collection  in  the  Luther  edition  of  Weimar,  p. 
XX  ff. 

21  "Tischreden  Luthers  aus  den  Jahren  1531  und  1532  nach  den 
Aufzeichnungen  von  Johann  Schlaginhaufen,"  published  from  a 
Ms.  at  Muenchen  by  William  Preger,  Leipzig,  1888. 

22  "Analecta  Lutherana  et  Melanchthoniana.  Tischreden  Lu- 
thers und  Aussprueche  Melanchthons,  hauptsaechlich  nach  Auf- 
zeichnungen des  Johannes  Matthesius.  Aus  der  Nuernberger 
Handschrift  des  Germanischen  Museums  mit  Benutzung  von  D. 
Joh.  Karl  Seidemanns  Vorarbeiten  herausgegeben  und  erlaeutert 
von  Georg  Loesche.    Gotha  1892. 


Foot  Notes  123 

2^  Luther's  Tischreden  in  der  Matthesischen  Sammlung,"  pub- 
lished by  Ernst  Kroker  from  a  Ms.  of  the  city  library  at  Leipzig 
(Schriften  der  Koeniglichen  Saechsischen  Kommission  fuer  Ge- 
schichte  VIII),  Leipzig,  1903. 

2*  Koenigliches  Gymnasium  zu  Clausthal.  Festschrift  zu  der 
am  30.  Sept.,  1905,  stattfindenden  Einweihung  des  neuen  Schulge- 
baeudes.    Leipzig,  B.  G.  Teubner,  1905. 

25  Wilhelm  Meyer  "Ueber  Lauterbachs  und  Aurifabers  Samm- 
lungen  der  Tischreden  Luthers  (Abhandlungen  der  Koeniglichen 
Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften  zu  Goettingen.  Philolog.-his- 
torische  Klasse,  N.  F.  i.     Band  Nr.  2),  Berlin,  1896. 

-"  "Luther's  Table  Talk."  A  critical  Study  by  Preserved  Smith 
(Studies  in  History,  Economics  and  Public  Law,  edited  by  the 
Faculty  of  Political  Science  of  Columbia  University,  vol.  XXVI, 
No.  2),  New  York,  1907. 

^'^  This  is  a  statement  of  the  church  historian  Ignatius  von 
Doellinger  who  wrote,  as  follows,  concerning  Luther  in  1871  : 
"Luther's  predominant  intellectual  powers  and  his  wonderful  ver- 
satility made  him  the  man  of  his  time  and  of  his  people.  And  this 
is  true  in  every  sense.  There  never  was  a  German  who  knew 
his  people  so  deeply  and  was  so  completely  understood  by  them, 
I  would  even  say,  so  taken  into  the  hearts  and  minds  of  his  people, 
as  this  Augustinian  monk  of  Wittenberg.  Mind  and  spirit  of 
the  Germans  were  in  his  hand,  as  the  lyre  in  the  hand  of  the 
artist.  For  he  gave  to  his  people  more  than  one  man  ever  did 
in  all  Christendom :  language,  catechism,  Bible,  churchsong. 
Everything  his  antagonists  possessed,  to  oppose  or  supplant  him 
with,  appeared  feeble,  flat  and  colorless  alongside  of  his  all- 
compelling  eloquence.  They  stammered,  he  spoke.  He  alone, 
impressed  upon  the  German  soul  as  upon  the  German  language 
the  ineffaceable  seal  of  his  soul.  And  even  those  Germans  who 
hate  him  from  the  bottom  of  their  souls  and  who  look  upon  him 
as  an  heretic  and  seducer  from  the  true  religion,  even  they  can 
not  do  otherwise  than  talk  with  his  words  and  think  with  his 
thoughts."  (Doellinger,  Die  Wiedervereinigung  der  christlichen 
Kirchen.    Noerdlingen,  1888,  p.  53.) 

28  The  author  had  the  pleasure  of  looking  over  a  large  part 
of  the  proof  sheets  of  the  immense  volume  containing  the  cate- 
chisms. 


124         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

28  W.  Moellenberg  in  "Zeitschrift  des  Harz-vereins,"  1906,  p. 
169-193.  Compare  also:  G.  Kutzke,  Aus  Luthers  Heimat.  Vom 
Erhalten  und  Erneuern,  1914. 

80  G.  Oergel  "Vom  jungen  Luther,"  1889;  P.  Drews  in  "Theo- 
logische  Rundschau,"  1900,  p.  2iiff;  Kawerau  in  "Neue  kirch- 
liche  Zeitschrift,  1900,  p.  163-174. 

3^  H.  J.  Kaemmel  "Geschichte  des  deutschen  Schulwesens  ira 
Uebergang  vom  Mittelalter  zur  Neuzeit,"  1882.  J.  Mueller  "Quel- 
lenschriften  zur  Geschichte  des  deutschsprachlichen  Unterrichts 
bis  zur  Mitte  des  16.  Jahrhunderts,"  1882.  J.  Mueller  "Vor- 
und  fruehreformatorische  Schulordnungen  und  Schulvertraege" 
(Sammlung  selten  gewordener  paedagogischer  Schriften),  1885, 
1886.  J.  Mueller  "Die  Anfaenge  des  saechsischen  Schulwesens," 
1887  (Neues  Archiv  fuer  Saechsische  Geschichte  und  Alter- 
tumskunde).  J.  Knepper  "Das  Schul-  und  Unterrichtswesen  in 
Elsass  von  den  Anfaengen  bis  gegen  1530,"  1905.  E.  Schmid 
"Das  vorreformatorische  Schulwesen  in  Wuerttemberg,"  1906. 
G.  Bauch  "Geschichte  des  Breslauer  Schulwesens  vor  der  Refor- 
mation," 1909.  cf.  also  Janssen-Pastor  "Geschichte  des  deutschen 
Volkes,  etc.,"  vol.  I.  cf.  also  R.  Doebner  "Annalen  und  Akten 
der  Brueder  des  gemeinsamen  Lebens  im  Luechtenhof  zu  Hildes- 
heim,  Hannover,"  1903,  and  G.  Boerner  "Die  Brueder  des  gemein- 
samen Lebens  in  Deutschland"  (in  "Deutsche  Geschichtsblaetter," 
1905,  No.  9). 

82  G.  Buchwald  "Luther  im  Hause  der  Frau  Cotta  zu  Eise- 
nach," 1888. 

83  G.  Oergel  "Beitraege  zur  Geschichte  des  Erfurter  Humanis- 
mus"  (Mitteilungen  des  Vereins  fuer  die  Geschichte  und  Alter- 
tumskunde  von  Erfurt,  No.  15)  ;  "Zur  Erinnerung  an  die  Uni- 
versitaet  Erfurt"  (ibid.  No.  16,  1894)  ;  "Lebens-  und  Studienord- 
nung  auf  der  Universitaet  Erfurt  waehrend  des  Mittelalters" 
(Jahrbuecher  der  Akademie  zu  Erfurt,  Neue  Folge,  No.  19)  ; 
"Der  junge  Luther,"  1889.  Th.  Kolde  "Die  deutsche  Augustiner- 
kongregation  und  Johann  Staupitz,"  1879;  "Das  religioese  Leben 
in  Erfurt  beim  Ausgang  des  Mittelalters,"  1898.  G.  Bauch  "Die 
Universitaet  Erfurt  in  Zeitalter  des  Fruehhumanismus,"  1904. 
H.  Hermelink,  "Die  theologische  Fakultaet  in  Tuebingen  vor  der 
Reformation,    1477-1524,"   1906;   "Die  religioesen   Reformbestre- 


Foot  Notes  125 

bungen  des  deutschen  Humanismus,"  1907.     O.  Scheel  "Martin 
Luther.    Vom  Katholicismus  zur  Reformation."    Vol.  i,  1916. 

^*  cf .  G.  Plitt  "Jodocus  Trutvetter  von  Eisenach,  der  Lehrer 
Luthers,"  1876.  N.  Paulus  "Bartholomaeus  Arnoldi  von  Usin- 
gen,"  1893  (Strassburger  Theol.  Studien  i,  3).  Gabriel  Biel's 
main  work  was  "Collectorium  in  libros  Quattuor  Sententiarum." 

3«  Th.  Kolde  "P.  Denifle,  seine  Beschimpfung  Luthers  und  der 
evangelischen  Kirche,"  1904.  R.  Seeberg  "Luther  und  Luther- 
tum  in  der  neuesten  katholischen  Beleuchtung,"  1904.  J.  Hauss- 
leiter  "Luther  im  roemischen  Urteil,"  1904.  Th.  Brieger  in 
"Zeitschrift  fuer  Kirchengeschichte,"  26,  p.  382  ff.  W.  Walther 
"Denifles  Luther,  eine  Ausgeburt  der  roemischen  Moral,"  1904. 
Denifle  answered  with  "Luther  in  rationalistischer  und  christ- 
licher  Beleuchtung.  Principielle  Auseinandersetzung  mit  A.  Har- 
nack  und  R.  Seeberg,"  1904.  cf.  also  IL  supplementary  vol.  of 
the  Braunschweig-Berlin  Luther  edition,  in  which  Scheel  fur- 
nishes a  commentary  of  202  pages  for  Luther's  treatise  on  monas- 
tic vows,  in  which  he  refutes  Denifle  in  every  particular. 

^■^  K.  Benrath  "Luther  im  Kloster,  1505-1525.  Zum  Verstaend- 
nis  und  zur  Abwehr,"  1905.  W.  Braun  "Die  Bedeutung  der 
Konkupiscenz  in  Luther's  Leben  und  Lehre,"  1908. 

38  J.  Hauszleiter,  Die  Universitaet  Wittenberg  vor  dem  Eintritt 
Luthers,  1903. — G.  Bauch,  Wittenberg  und  die  Scholastik  (Neues 
Archiv  f.  saechsische  Geschichte  1897,  p.  285  ff). — E.  Haupt,  Was 
unsere  Universitaeten  Wittenberg  verdanken,  1902. 

39  Hausrath,  Martin  Luthers  Romfahrt,  1894. — G.  Tuerk,  Lu- 
thers Romfahrt,  Schulprogramm,  Meiszen,  1897.  —  Th.  Elze, 
Luthers  Reise  nach  Rom,  1899. — G.  Kawerau,  Von  Luthers  Rom- 
fahrt 1901  (Deutsch-Evangelische  Blaetter  26 p.  69-102.) — K.Todt, 
Luthers  Romreise  (Preuszische  Jahrbuecher,  117  p.  297fif.),  1904. 
— H.  Boehmer,  Luthers  Romfahrt,  1914. — Compare  also  O. 
Clemen,  Beitraege  z.  Ref.  Ill  p.  89;  N.  Paulus,  Historisches  Jahr- 
buch  1891,  p.  68f;  1901,  p.  iiofif;  1903,  p.  72ff.  Historisch-Poli- 
tische  Blaetter  1912,  1  p.  i26ff. — Compare:  F.  M.  Nichols,  Mira- 
bilia  urbis  Romae,  London,  Ellis  &  Elvey,  1889. 

*°  What  experience  Luther  made  when,  on  his  knees,  he  as- 
cended the  28  steps  of  the  Scala  Santa  of  Pilate,  has  been  handed 
down  to  us  by  an  autograph  of  his  son  Paul,  Avho  in  1582  wrote: 


126         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

"Anno  1544  Hatt  mein  liebster  Vatter  gottsehliger  yhnn  gegen- 
warth  seiner  Tischgenger  vnd  vnsser  aller  die  gantze  historica  (?) 
vhonn  seiner  reisenn  gegenn  Rom  so  ehr  an.  1510  yhnn  etlichen 
geschefiften  thun  miissen,  erzelet,  vnd  vnter  anderm  mit  grossen 
f reudenn  bekandt,  das  ehr  doselbstenn  durch  den  geist  Jesu  Christi 
sei  zum  erkentnus  der  warheitt  des  heyligenn  Evangelii  gekommen 
dergestalt  vnd  also :  da  ehr  seine  preces  graduales  in  scala 
Lateranensi  verrichten  wollenn,  ist  ihme  alsbald  eingefallenn  der 
spruch  des  propheten  Abacuk,  welchenn  Paulus  ihm  erstenn  capi- 
tel  zunn  Roemern  eingef iiret :  namlich :  der  gerechte  wirdt  seines 
glaubens  lebenn.  Hatt  darauf  sein  gebett  bleybenn  lassenn.  Und 
wie  ehr  gegen  Wittenberger  kommen,  nichts  anderst  als  dieselb 
epistel  Pauli  fiir  sein  hochst  fundament  gehaltenn."  But  this 
note  evidently  contains  gross  mistakes  and  is  by  no  means  very 
trustworthy.  The  Historians,  therefore,  were  inclined  to  treat  the 
whole  occurrence  as  unhistorical.  Buchwald,  however,  proved, 
191 1  (Zeitschr.  f.  Kirchengeschichte  32,  p.  606-607),  that  Luther 
said  in  a  sermon  on  November  15,  1545  (not  yet  published;  extant 
in  the  Ratsschulbibliothek  at  Zwickau,  Cod.  No.  XXVIII)  :  "Sic 
Romae  wollt  meum  avum  ex  purgatorio  erloesen,  gieng  die 
treppen  hinauf  Pilati,  orabam  quolibet  pater  noster.  Erat  enim 
persuasio,  qui  sic  oraret  redimeret  animam.  Sed  in  fastigium 
veniens  cogitabam:  quis  scit  an  sit  verum?  Non  valet  ista  oratio 
etc."  So  Luther  really  ascended  the  staircase,  but  the  inner  ex- 
perience on  this  occasion  was  doubt,  as  he  had  already  experienced 
it  as  a  monk  in  his  prayers,  and  these  doubts  in  no  way  brought 
about  a  turn  in  his  inner  life.  This  fits  in  with  everything  we 
know  otherwise  in  connection  with  Luther's  journey  to  Rome; 
therefore,  even  though  it  proved  to  be  of  the  greatest  importance 
to  Luther  later  on,  confirming  him  in  the  belief  of  the  justness  of 
his  cause,  it  in  no  wise  promoted  any  development  in  his  inner 
life  already  at  that  time. — Compare  Boehmer,  p.  158-160  and  M. 
Reu,  Luthers  Romfahrt  (Kirchliche  Zeitschrift),  1916. 

*^  That  Luther  had  been  in  Koeln  was  formerly  unknown,  for 
a  passage  in  Lauterbach's  Table  Talks  of  1538  (ed.  Seidemann 
p.  43)  had  been  overlooked.  Boehmer  again  called  attention  to 
this  fact,  proving  it,  however,  also  by  a  sermon  of  Luther  that 
was  published  for  the  first  time  in  W.  E.  vol.  34,  .1  (p.  22). — 
Boehmer  also  completely  refutes  Grisar's  misrepresentations  of 


v\.  ^^-^  o-f   ,^  t3>^  -ci      o 


lllllf      MICH'    -g 


Foot  Notes  127 

Luther  in  connection  with  his  journey  to  Rome  and  with  the 
cause  of  this  journey,  the  dispute  of  the  Order. 

*2  H.  Steinlein,  Luthers  Doktorat  1912  (Neue  Kirchl.  Zeit- 
schrift,  October  number;  also  separate). 

*3  0.  Scheel,  Luther's  Rueckblick  auf  seine  Bekehrung  in  der 
Praefatio  zu  seinen  gesammelten  Werken  (Zeitschr.  f.  Theologie 
und  Kirche,  21)  191 1.  G.  Kawerau,  Luther  in  kathoHscher 
Beleuchtung,  Halle  191 1.  H.  Steinlein  Kritische  Anmerkungen 
zur  neuesten  katholischen  Lutherbiographie  (Neue  kirchliche 
Zeitschrift)  191 1. — O.  Scheel,  Ausschnitte  aus  dem  Leben  des 
jungen  Luther  (Zeitschr.  f.  Kirchengeschichte  :i2,  2)  191 1. — J. 
Hauszleiter,  Luthers  "Luegen"  in  Grisars  Darstellung  (Allgem. 
Evang.  Luth.  Kirchenzeitung)  1912. — Prof.  Merkle  of  Wuerz- 
burg,  a  Roman  Catholic,  reviewed  the  book  in  a  remarkably  ob- 
jective way  in  "Hochland"  1912. 

**  The  expression  "locus  secretus,"  which  Cordatus  uses,  does 
by  no  means  necessarily  mean  privy,  and  when  Khumer's  text 
reads  "Turm  und  Kloake,"  so  this  reading  is  entirely  uncertain, 
being  very  probably  only  an  incorrect  solution  of  the  abbreviation 
"cl."  found  in  Schlaginhaufen's  text.  The  correct  solution  seems 
to  be  claustrum  or  cella.  Lauterbach's  text  offers :  "in  hac  turri 
et  hypocausto." 

•*5  H.  Hering,  Luther's  erste  Vorlesungen  (Theol.  Studien  u. 
Kritiken),  1887. — A.  W.  Dieckhoff,  Luthers  erste  Vorlesungen 
ueber  den  Psalter  (Zeitschr.  f.  kirchl.  Wissenschaft  u.  kirchl. 
Leben),  1883. — A.  W.  Dieckhoff,  Luthers  Lehre  in  ihrer  ersten 
Gestalt,  1887. 

*^  J.  Picker,  Die  Anfaenge  reformatorischer  Bibelauslegung 
1908  (i.  vol.  p.  XLVI — C  II). — K.  A.  Meissinger,  Luthers  Exegese 
in  der  Fruehzeit,  191 1. 

*^  A.  W.  Dieckhoff,  Luthers  Lehre  in  ihrer  ersten  Gestalt  1887. — 
A.  W.  Hunzinger,  Der  Neuplatonismus  Luthers  in  der  Psalmen- 
vorlesung  von  1513-1516.  Ein  Beitrag  zum  Augustinismus  Lu- 
thers, 1906. — A.  W.  Hunzinger,  Das  Furchtproblem  in  der  katho- 
lischen Lehre  von  Augustin  bis  Luther,  1906. — A.  W.  Hunzinger, 
Luther  und  die  deutsche  Mystik  (Neue  kirchl.  Zeitschrift),  1908. 
— H.  Hermelink,  Die  theol.  Fakultaet  in  Tuebingen,  1906. — W. 
Braun,  Die  Bedeutung  der  Konkupiscenz  in  Luthers  Lehre  und 
Leben,  1908. — J.  Picker,  Luthers  Kommentar  zum  Roemerbrief, 


128  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

1908. — O.  Scheel,  Die  Entwicklung  Luthers  bis  zum  Abschluss 
der  Vorlesung  ueber  den  Roemerbrief,  1910. — O.  Scheel,  Doku- 
mente  zur  Entwicklung  Luthers,  191 1. — A.  V.  Mueller,  Luthers 
theologische  Quellen.  Seine  Verteidigung  gegen  Denifle  und  Gri- 
sar,  1912. — J.  V.  Walter,  Vom  jungen  Luther  (Neue  kirchl.  Zeit- 
schrift)  1914.  Fr.  Loofs,  Dogmengeschichte,  4.  ed.  1906. — H. 
Boehmer,  Luther  im  Lichte  der  neueren  Forschung,  3.  ed.  1913. — 
O.  Ritschl,  Dogmengeschichte  des  Protestantismus,  1908,  1912. 

*8  Aloys  Schulte,  Die  Fugger  in  Rom  1495-1523.  Mit  Studien 
zur  Geschichte  des  kirchlichen  Finanzwesens  jener  Zeit,  2  vols. 
1904. — Compare  also  P.  Kalkoff,  Zu  den  roemischen  Verhand- 
lungen  ueber  die  Bestaetigung  des  Erzb.  Albrecht  von  Mainz  im 
Jahre  1514  (Archiv  f.  Reform.)  1903. 

•*^  E.  Bratke,  Luthers  95  Thesen  und  ihre  dogmengeschicht- 
lichen  Voraussetzungen,  1884. — A.  W.  Dieckhoff,  Der  Ablasz- 
streit,  dogmengeschichtlich  dargestellt,  i886. — Th.  Brieger,  Das 
Wesen  des  Ablasses  am  Ausgang  des  Mittelalters,  1897. — Th. 
Brieger,  article  "Indulgenzen"  in  Hauck's  R.  E.  1902. — Th.  Brie- 
ger, Ein  Leipziger  Professor  im  Dienst  des  Baseler  Konzils 
(Beitraege  zur  saechsischen  Kirchengeschichte)  1903. — Joh.  Dit- 
terle,  Die  Summae  Confessorum  von  ihren  Anfaengen  an  bis  zu 
Silvester  Prierias  unter  besonderer  Beruecksichtigung  ihrer  Be- 
stimmungen  ueber  den  Ablasz  (Zeitschr.  f.  Kirchengesch.)  1903- 
1907. — N.  Paulus,  Raimund  Peraudi  als  Ablaszkommissar  (Hist. 
Jahrbuch  d.  Goerres-Gesellschaft)  1900;  other  articles  ibidem 
1907-1909.  On  the  origin  of  the  indulgence  consult  especially, 
A.  Gottlob,  Kreuzablasz  und  Almosenablasz,  1906.  Almosenent- 
wicklung  und  Ablaszinhalt  im  11.  Jarh.  1907,  und  A.  W.  Koe- 
niger,  Der  Ursprung  des  Ablasses,  1907. 

•^o  N.  Paulus,  Johann  Tetzel,  1899;  Comp.  supplementary  notes 
in  the  "Katholik"  1899,  i  p.  484  fif.  1901,  i,  p.  453  ff.  554  ff. 

^1  W.  Koehler,  Dokumente  zum  Ablaszstreit  von  1517,  1902. — 
W.  Koehler,  Luthers  95  Thesen  samt  seinen  Resolutionen  sowie 
den  Gegenschriften  des  Wimpina,  Tetzel,  Eck  und  Prierias  und 
den  Antworten  Luthers  darauf,  1903. — Th.  Brieger,  Die  Glieder- 
ung  der  95  Thesen  Luthers.  Studien  und  Versuche  zur  neueren 
Geschichte,  Max  Lenz  geviridmet,  1910.  (Hermelink  gives  a  short 
sketch  of  Brieger's  analysis  in  his  Geschichte  der  Reformation 
1912  p.  66). 


Foot  Notes  129 

"2  K.  Mueller,  Luthers  roemischer  Prozesz  (Zeitschr.  f.  Kir- 
chengesch.)  1903. — A.  Schulte,  Quellen  und  Forschungen  aus 
italienischen  Archiven,  VI.,  1903. — P.  Kalkoff,  Zu  Luthers  roemi- 
schem  Prozesz  (Zeitschr.  f.  Kirchengeschichte)  1905  and  1910- 
1912. — P.  Kalkoff,  Forschungen  zu  Luthers  roemischem  Prozesz 
(Lib.  of  the  Prussian  hist.  Inst,  in  Rome  2  vols.)  1905. — Compare 
N.  Paulus,  Die  deutschen  Dominikaner  i.  Kampf  gegen  Luther 
(Erlaeuterungen  u.  Erggenzungen  zu  Janssens  Geschichte  des 
deutschen  Volkes  IV,  i.  2). — P.  Kalkoflf,  Die  von  Kajetan  ver- 
fasste  Ablaszdekretale  u.  s.  Verhandlungen  mit  dem  Kurfuersten 
in  Weimar  1519  (Archiv  f.  Refgesch.)  1912. — Compare  Kirch- 
liche  Zeitschrift  1916,  p.  401  ff.  and  1917,  p.  loi  ff.  Kalkoff 
also  touches  upon  questions  directly  or  indirectly  connected  with 
Rome's  stand  over  against  Luther  in  the  following  writings : 
Die  Anfaenge  der  Gegenreformation  in  den  Niederlanden,  1903. 
1904;  Die  Beziehungen  der  HohenzoUern  zur  Kurie  unter  dem 
Einfluss  der  lutherischen  Frage,  1906.  W.  Capito,  im  Dienste 
Erzbischof  Albrechts  von  Mainz,  1907 ;  Aleander  gegen  Luther, 
1908. 

53  Th.  Kolde,  Friedrich  der  Weise  und  die  Anfaenge  der  Re- 
formation, 1881. — J.  Koestlin,  Friedrich  der  Weise  und  die 
Schloszkirche  zu  Wittenberg  1892. — Th.  Kolde,  Friedrich  der 
Weise  (Haucks  R.  E.  vol.  6)  1899. — P-  Kalkoff,  Ablasse  und 
Reliquienverehrung  an  d.  Schloszkirche  z.  Wittenberg,  1907. — 
Compare  also  R.  Bruck,  Friedrich  d.  Weise  als  Foerderer  der 
Kunst,  1903. 

"s*!!.  A.  Creuzberg,  Karl  von  Miltiz  1490-1529,  1907. — P.  Kal- 
koff, Die  Miltiziade,  1911. 

®'  F.  Seitz,  Der  authenische  Text  der  Leipziger  Disputation 
von  1 5 19.  Aus  unbenutzten  Quellen  herausgegeben,  1903. — Th. 
Brieger,  Einiges  ueber  die  Leipziger  Disputation  von  15 19  (Die 
Universitact,  Leipzig,  Gedenkblatt),  1909. 

^^  M.  Perlbach  und  J.  Luther,  Ein  neuer  Bericht  ueber  Lu- 
thers Verbrennung  der  Bannbulle  (Sitzungsbericht  der  K.  Preusz. 
Akademie  d.  Wiss.),  1907. — O.  Clemen,  Ueber  die  Verbrennung 
der  Bannbulle  durch  Luther  (Theol.  Stud.  u.  Kritiken),  1908. 

'■^  H.  Preusz,  Die  Vorstellungen  vom  Antichrist  im  spaeteren 
Mittelalter,  bei  Luther  und  in  der  konfessionellen  Polemik,  1906. 
— H.  Preusz,  Das  Froemmigkeitsmotiv  von  Luthers  Tesseradekas 


130         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

und  seine  mittelalterlichen  Wurzeln    (Neue  kirchl.  Zeitschrift) 

1915- 

^8  R.  A.  Lipsius,  Luthers  Lehre  von  der  Busze,  1892. — W.  Herr- 
mann, Die  Busze  des  evang.  Christen  (Zeitschr.  f.  Theol.  u. 
Kirche)  1891. — A.  Galley,  Die  Busslehre  Luthers  und  ihre  Dar- 
stellung  in  neuester  Zeit,  1900. — E.  Fischer,  Zur  Geschichte  d.  ev. 
Beichte,  1902-03. — E.  Fischer,  Luthers  Sermo  de  poenitentia  von 
1 518,  1906. — C.  Stange,  Die  aeltesten  ethischen  Disputationen  Lu- 
thers, 1904. — Compare  also,  K.  Thieme,  Die  sittliche  Triebkraft 
des  Glaubens,  1895. — E.  Rietschel,  Luthers  Anschauung  von  der 
Unsichtbarkeit  und  Sichtbarkeit  der  Kirche  (Studion  und  Kriti- 
ken)  1900. 

^^*  L.  Lemme,  Die  drei  grossen  Reformationsschriften  Luthers, 
1884. — K.  Benrath,  An  den  christl.  Adel  deutscher  Nation  etc, 
1884. — W.  Koehler,  Luthers  Schrift  an  d.  christl.  Adel  im  Spiegel 
d.  Kultur  u.  Zeitgeschichte,  1895.  Compare  also  H.  Meltzer, 
Luther  als  deutscher  Mann,  1905. 

58  The  "syllogismus  cornutus"  is  a  nonsensical  deduction  after 
the  example :  "What  one  never  has  lost  one  still  possesses.  You 
have  never  lost  horns,  therefore  you  have  horns."  The  word 
cornutus  was  soon  divorced  from  this  specific  use,  and  was  given 
a  wider  meaning.  An  "interrogatio  cornuta"  is  a  question  with  a 
double  meaning,  a  pun.  "Non  cornutus,"  therefore  means,  void 
of  all  sophistry,  to  the  point. 

^'^  Th.  Kolde,  Luther  und  der  Reichstag  zu  Worms,  1883. — 
Kluckhohn  u.  Wrede,  Deutsche  Reichstagsakten  unter  Karl  V, 
1903.  1906. — Th.  Brieger,  Neue  Mitteilungen  ueber  Luther  in 
Worms,  1883. — Th.  Brieger,  Aleander  u.  Luther  1521.  Die  ver- 
vollstaendigten  Aleanderdepeschen  nebst  Untersuchungen  ueber 
den  Wormser  Reichstag,  1884. — P.  Kalkofif,  Die  Depeschen  des 
Nuntius  Aleander  vom  Wormser  Reichstag  uebersetzt  u.  erlaeu- 
tert,  1886,  2  ed.  1897.— P.  Kalkofif,  Briefe,  Depeschen  u.  Berichte 
ueber  Luther  vom  Wormser  Reichstag,  1898. — P.  Kalkofif,  Die 
Beziehungen  der  HohenzoUern  zur  Kurie  unter  dem  Einfluss 
der  luth.  Frage  (Quellen  u.  Forschungen  aus  italienischen  Ar- 
chiven)  1906.— P.  Kalkofif,  Aleander  gegen  Luther,  1908.— Th. 
Kolde,  Der  Reichsherold  Casper  Sturm  und  seine  literarische 
Taetigkeit  (Arch.  f.  Refgesch.)  1907. — R.  Meiszinger,  Ohne 
Hoerner  und  ohne  Zaehne  (Arch.  f.  Refgesch.)  1906. — H.  Preusz, 


Foot  Notes  131 

Was  bedeutet  die  Formel  "convictus  testimoniis  scripturarum  aut 
ratione  evidente"  in  Luthers  ungehoernter  Antwort  zu  Worms? 
(Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.),  1908. — Confer  also  Koestlin-Kawerau, 
Martin  Luther,  s.  Leben  u.  s.  Schriften  5.  ed.  1903,  p.  772. — 
R.  Mueller,  Luthers  Schlussworte  in  Worms  (Philothesia  fuer  P. 
Kleinert)  1907. — H.  v.  Schubert  offers  a  good  summary  of  the 
whole  question  in :  Quellen  u.  Forschungen  ueber  Luther  auf  dem 
Reichstag  zu  Worms  (Theol.  Rundschau),  1899. — Th.  Brieger, 
Zwei  bisher  unbekannte  Entwuerfe  des  Wormser  Edikts,  1910. — 
P.  Kalkoff,  Die  Entstehung  des  Wormser  Edikts,  1910. — P.  Kal- 
koff,  Der  Humanist  Hermann  von  der  Busche  u.  die  luther- 
freundliche  Kundgebung  auf  d.  Wormser  Reichstag  voni  20, 
Apr.  1521  (Arch.  f.  Refgesch.)  191 1. — Confer  also  P.  Kalkoff, 
Die  Romzugverhandlungen  auf  dem  Wormser  Reichstag,  191 1, 
und :  Die  Anfaenge  der  Gegenreformation  in  den  Niederlanden, 
1903  u.  1904. 

•*!  Max  Lenz,  Die  Wartburgzeit  Luthers  (Universitaetspro- 
gramm)  1883. 

^'  W.  Krafft,  Ueber  die  deutsche  Bibel  vor  Luther,  Universi- 
taetsprogramm,  1883  (confer  also  L.  Keller,  Die  Waldenser  und 
die  deutschen  Bibeluebersetzungen,  1886,  und  L.  Keller,  Die  Re- 
formation und  die  aelteren  Reformparteien,  1885). — W.  Walther, 
Die  deutsche  Bibeluebersetzung  des  Mittelalters,  1889-1892. — W. 
Kurrelmeyer,  The  Genealogy  of  the  Prelutheran  Bibles  (The 
Journal  of  Germanic  PhilologjO,  1900. — W.  Kurrelmeyer,  Die 
erste  deutsche  Bibel,  1904  ff. — W.  Walther,  Die  Unabhaengig- 
keit  der  Bibeluebersetzung  Luther's  (N.  Kirchl.  Zeitschrift),  1890. 
— W.  Walther,  Luther's  Bibeluebersetzung  kein  Plagiat,  1891. — 
G.  Keyszner,  Die  drei  Psalterbearbeitungen  Luther's  von  1524, 
1528  und  1531,  1890. — G.  Kawerau,  Hier.  Emser,  1898. 

63  We  refer  to  "Vedder,  The  Reformation  in  Germany"  (1914). 
Here  we  read  on  page  171  not  only:  "This  version  was  certainly 
in  the  possession  of  Luther  and  was  certainly  used  by  him  in  the 
preparation  of  his  version.  This  fact,  once  entirely  unsuspected, 
and  then  hotly  denied,  has  been  proved  to  a  demonstration  by 
the  'deadly  parallel.'  It  appears  from  a  verse  by  verse  com- 
parison that  this  old  German  Bible  was  in  fact  so  industriously 
used  by  Luther,  that  the  only  accurate  description  of  Luther's 
version  is  to  call  it  a  careful  revision  of  the  older  text,"  but  on 


132  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

page  170  we  also  read :  "It  would  be  difficult  in  any  case  to 
believe  that  a  complete  translation  of  the  entire  New  Testament 
could  have  been  made  by  a  man  of  Luther's  limited  attainment 
in  Greek,  and  with  the  imperfect  apparatus  that  he  possessed  in 
the  short  space  of  ten  weeks.  .  .  .  Any  minister  to-day  who 
has  had  a  Greek  course  of  a  college  and  seminary  is  a  far  better 
scholar  than  Luther.  Let  such  a  man,  if  he  thinks  Luther's 
achievement  possible,  attempt  the  accurate  translation  of  a  single 
chapter  of  the  New  Testament — such  a  translation  as  he  would 
be  willing  to  print  under  his  own  name — and  multiply  the  time 
consumed  by  the  260  chapters.  He  will  be  speedily  convinced 
that  the  feat  attributed  to  Luther  is  an  impossible  one."  And 
just  this  we  pronounce  childish  argumentation.  We  could  call 
attention  to  the  fact  that  R.  P.  Olivetan  completed  his  French 
translation  of  the  entire  Bible,  printed  1536,  in  one  year;  that 
Luther  finished  his  writing  against  Sylvester  Prierias,  that  in 
Walch's  edition  fills  80  columns,  in  two  days;  that  Luther  was 
in  fact  a  linguistic  genius ;  that  an  educated  man  in  the  thirties 
acquires  a  dead  language  much  faster  and  more  thoroughly  than 
a  youth  from  16  to  20,  and  this  all  the  more,  the  dearer  and  more 
valuable,  yes,  even  decisive  for  his  whole  life,  the  contents  of 
a  book  written  in  that  language  is  to  him;  that  Luther  since  1519 
had  been  a  careful  reader  of  Homer,  writing  many  marginal 
notes  into  the  copy  which  Melanchthon  had  presented  to  him 
(this  copy  is  extant  at  London,  cf.  Pr.  Smith,  Notes  from  English 
libraries,  Zeitschr.  f.  Kirchengesch.  32,  pp.  111-115;  compare  also: 
O.  G.  Schmidt,  Luther's  Bekanntschaft  mit  den  alten  Klassi- 
kern,  1883).  We  also  could  emphasize  the  important  fact  that 
Luther  for  more  than  ten  years  was  well  versed  in  the  contents 
of  the  New  Testament  through  the  Vulgata.  But  aside  from 
this  we  would  like  to  ask  Vedder  whether  he  has  forgotten  that 
Luther,  as  can  be  proved,  since  1516  used  the  Greek  original  in 
the  preparation  of  his  lectures,  and  certainly  not  seldom  also  when 
he  prepared  his  sermons,  and  that  it  more  and  more  became  the 
foundation  for  his  whole  theological  work;  that  he,  before  his 
stay  at  the  Wartburg,  had  treated  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 
Hebrews,  Galatians,  perhaps  also  the  Epistle  to  Titus  and  the 
first  to  the  Corinthians  in  lectures,  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians 
beside  this   also   in   a   voluminous   commentary;   in   short,  that 


Foot  Notes  133 

Luther  lived  and  moved  in  the  New  Testament,  and,  finally, 
that  the  printing  of  his  translation  had  not  begun  for  two 
months  after  his  return  from  the  Wartburg,  and  that  it  was  not 
completed  before  six  months  had  passed?  During  this  time  he, 
together  with  Melanchthon  and  other  occasional  helpers,  once 
more  revised  the  whole  in  a  most  painstaking  manner. 

6*  G.  Bossert,  Die  Entstehung  von  Luthers  Wartburg- Postille 
(Theol.  Studien  und  Kritiken),  1897.— W.  Koehler,  Zu  Luthers 
Wartburg-Postille  (Zeitschr.  fuer  wissenschaftl.  Theol.),  1898. — 

0.  Scheel,  Anmerkungen  und  Erlaeuterungen  zur  Schrift  Luthers 
ueber  die  Moenchsgeluebde  (2.  suppl.  vol.  of  the  Braunschweig- 
Berlin  Luther  edition),  1905. — E.  Klinger,  Luther  und  der  deut- 
sche  Volksaberglaube,  1912. 

^^^  O.  Undritz,  Die  Entwicklung  des  Schriftprinzips  bei  Luther 
in  den  Anfangsjahren  der  Reformation  (N.  kirchl.  Zeitschrift) 
1897. — H.  Preusz,  Die  Entwicklung  des  Schriftprinzips  bei  Luther 
bis  zur  Leipziger  Disputation,  1901.— -W.  Walther,  Das  Erbe  der 
Reformation  im  Kampf  der  Gegenwart.  i.  Heft;  Der  Glaube  an 
das  Wort  Gottes,  1903. — O.  Scheel,  Luthers  Stellung  zur  H. 
Schrift,  1902. — K.  Thimme,  Luthers  Stellung  zur  H.  Schrift, 
1903. — K.  F.  Noesgen,  Die  luth.  Lehre  von  der  Inspiration  nach 
ihrer  geschichtlichen  Gestalt,  ihrer  Eigentuemlichkeit  und  Halt- 
barkeit,  1909. — O.  Zoeckler,  Luther  als  Ausleger  des  A.  Testa- 
ments gewuerdigt  auf  Grund  s.  groesseren  Genesis-kommentars, 
1884. — F.  Grundt,  Luthers  Verhaeltnis  zur  allegorischen  Schrift- 
auslegung  (Zeitschr.  f.  kirchl.  Wissensch.)  1889. — K.  Eger,  Lu- 
thers Auslegg  d.  A.  Testaments  nach  ihren  Grundsaetzen  u. 
ihrem  Charakter  untersucht  an  der  Hand  s.  Predigten  ueber  das 

1.  u.  2.  Buch  Mosis,  1900. — G.  Kawerau,  Die  Schicksale  des 
Jakobusbriefes  im  16.  Jahrhundert  (Zeitschr.  f.  kirchl.  Wissen- 
schaft)  1889. — W.  Wahher,  Fuer  Luther  wider  Rom.  1906. — W. 
Walther,  Luthers  spaetere  Ansicht  ueber  den  Jakobusbrief  (in: 
Zur  Wertung  der  deutschen  Reformation),  1909. — J.  Leipolt,  Die 
Kritik  des  Reformationszeitalters  am  neutestl.  Kanon  (Deutsche 
evang.  Blaetter),  1906. — F.  Kropatscheck,  Das  Schriftprinzip  der 
luth.  Kirche,  vol.  I,  1904. — R.  Seeberg,  Occam  (Hauck's  R.  E.), 
1904. — O.  Ritschl,  Dogmengeschichte  des  Protestantismus  I,  1908. 
— P.  Tschackert,  Die  Entstehung  der  luth.  und  reform.  Kirchen- 
lehre,  1910. 


134         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

e4b  p  Pietsch,  Martin  Luther  und  die  hochdeutsche  Schrift- 
sprache,  1883. — K.  Burdach,  Die  Einigung  der  deutschen  Schrift- 
sprache,  1884. — V.  Hehn,  Goethe  und  die  Sprache  der  Bibel 
(Goethe  Jahrbuch),  1887. — C.  Franke,  Die  Grundzuege  der 
Schriftsprache  Luthers,  1888. — Schaub,  Die  niederdeutschen  Ue- 
bersetzungen  der  Lutherbibel,  1889;  compare  Jellinghaus  in  Paul's 
Grundriss  fuer  germanische  Philologie  lip.  388. — K.  Burdach, 
Forschungen  zur  deutschen  Philologie  (Festgabe  fuer  R.  Hilde- 
brand),  1894. — Daumer,  Die  oberdeutschen  Bibelglossare  des  16. 
Jahrhund.  (Diss.),  1898. — J.  Luther,  Die  Reformationsbibliogra- 
phie  und  die  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Sprache,  1898. — H. 
Boehme,  Zur  Geschichte  der  saechsischen  Kanzleisprache.  Von 
den  Anfaengen  bis  Luther,  1899. — B.  Lindmeyer,  Der  Wortschatz 
in  Luthers,  Emsers  und  Ecks  Uebersetzung  des  N.  Testaments. 
Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  der  neuhochdeutschen  Schriftsprache, 
1899.  Compare  the  review  by  Ed.  Schroeder  in  Goetting.  Gel. 
Anzeiger,  1900. — E.  Thiele,  Luthers  Sprichwoertersammlung. 
Nach  seiner  Handschrift  zum  ersten  Mai  herausgegeben,  1900. — 
Breest,  Die  Bibelversorgung  Deutschlands,  1901. — R.  Kuehn,  Das 
Verhaeltnis  der  Decemberbibel  zur  Septemberbibel.  Kritischer 
Beitrag  zur  Geschichte  der  Bibelsprache  Luthers,  1901. — R.  Neu- 
bauer,  Martin  Luther,  ausgewaehlt,  bearbeitet  und  erlaeutert, 
1903  [the  second  edition  of  1907-1908  was  not  at  hand]. — Byland, 
Der  Wortschatz  des  Zuericher  Alten  Testaments  von  1525  und 
1531,  verglichen  mit  dem  Wortschatz  Luthers,  1903. — F.  Kluge, 
Von  Luther  bis  Lessing.  Sprachgeschichtliche  Aufsaetze,  2,  1904. 
— Risch,  Die  deutsche  Bibel  in  ihrer  geschichtlichen  Entwick- 
lung,  1907. — Schuett,  Adam  Petris  Bibelglossar,  1908. — Virgil 
Moser,  Historisch-grammatische  Einfuehrung  in  die  fruehneu- 
hochdeutschen  Schriftdialekte,  1909. — P.  Pietsch,  Bibliographic 
der  Drucke  der  Lutherbibel  1522-1546  (Die  Deutsche  Bibel  II  p. 
200-727;  Weimar  Luther  edition),  1909. — J.  Gillhofif,  Zur  Sprache 
und  Geschichte  des  Kleinen  Katechismus  Luthers,  1909.— v.  Bach- 
mann,  Der  Einfluss  von  Luthers  Wortschatz  auf  die  schweizer- 
ische  Literatur  des  16.  und  17.  Jahrhund.  1909. — Gutjahr,  Die 
Anfaenge  der  neuhochdeutschen  Schriftsprache  vor  Luther,  1910. 
— Risch,  Die  Lutherbibel  (Neue  kirchl.  Zeitschrift),  1911. — O. 
Reichert,  Luthers  deutsche  Bibel,  191 1. — Alfr.  Goetze,  Fruehneu- 
hochdeutsches  Glossar,  1912. — Alfr.  Goetze,  Deutsche  Literatur  der 


Qrditl)  €xif(Utt)( 

Dem  vaineti  woa:5otc  e  5c  mc^  /  <ittp 

t>ctt>4iUg«n  gfchnffc/^iiccbtiiflrich 

tvlay  irjocbgclcrf  ctrgcmrtcbf/ 

inbcr  iRiichcrt  iufiiig^ff/ 

bcrayc  ju  ^ic 

«mbcrgin 

ycbimg 

ill. 

XOittcmbcrs. 


Title   page   of   the   first   evangelical    hymn   book. 

Printed  at  WittenI)erK.  It  contained  eight  hymns,  four  of  which  were 
h}'  Luther:  Nun  freut  euch,  lieben  .Christen  gmein;  Ach  Gott  vom 
Himmcl   sieh'   darein;    Es   spricht   der  Unweisen  Mund ;    Aus  tiefer  Not 

schrei  ich  zu  dir. 


Foot  Notes  135 

Reformationszeit  (Die  Religion  in  Geschichte  und  Gegenwart 
III),  1912. — H.  Zerener,  Studie  ueber  das  beginnende  Eindrin- 
gen  der  luth.  Bibeluebersetzung  in  die  deutsche  Literatur,  1913. 
Zerener  points  out  very  instructively  what  an  influence  Luther's 
German  New  Testament  had  on  the  German  literature  of  1522 
to  1525,  and  he  bases  his  conclusions  on  not  less  than  681  writings 
that  appeared  during  these  few  years. 

^^'^ Neubauer  writes  on  Luther's  language,  1.  c.  p.  2iff :  Luther 
ist  wesenlich  Prosaikcr,  fuer  die  Dichtung  kommt  er  nur  als 
kirchlicher  Lyriker  in  Betracht.  Audi  als  Prosaiker  muss  seine 
Bedeutung  richtig  erfasst  werden.  Luther  ist  zu  betrachten  als 
ein  populaerer  Volksschriftsteller,  dem  der  Inhalt  seiner  Schriften 
die  Hautsache  ist,  nicht  die  kunstvoU  angelegte,  ausgestaltete 
und  gerundete  Form.  Seine  Zwecke  sind  keine  aesthetischen, 
sondern  rein  pracktische.  Wie  er  beinahe  alles  und  jedes  der 
Weltdinge  und  Weltverhaeltnisse  mit  einer  manchmal  uns  bei- 
nahe beaengstigenden  Konsequenz  in  dem  Licht  des  Evangeliums 
betrachtet,  so  ist  sein  einziger  Zweck  bei  allem,  was  er  geschrie- 
ben,  religioese  oder  ueberhaupt  sittliche  Bildung  seines  Volks. 
Die  heilige  Sache,  und  nur  die  Sache  ist  das  Treibende  auch  in 
seiner  Darstellung,  alle  aesthetischen  oder  kuenstlerischen  Rueck- 
sichten  muessen  dem  weichen,  wie  in  seinem  reformatorischen 
Wirken  um  der  Sache  willen,  der  zu  dienen  er  sich  berufen 
fuehlt,  alle  persoenlichen  Ruecksichten  hintenan  gesetzt  werden. 
Nichts  ist  falscher,  als  wenn  man  in  Leitfaeden  der  Literatur 
Redensarten  findet  wie  diese :  "Alles,  was  er  schreibt  und  spricht, 
traegt  das  Gepraege  kuenstlerischer  Vollendung."  Nur  von  der 
Bibeluebersetzung  gilt  das  in  vollem  Sinn,  an  ihr  hat  er  sein 
Leben  lang  gebessert,  gefeilt  und  geformt.  Freilich  hat  er  auch 
an  seinen  Fabeln,  wie  seine  jetzt  aufgefundene  Handschrift 
zeigt,  erstaunlich  herumgebessert,  ebenso  an  seinen  sonstigen 
Schriften  bei  neuen  Auflagen  in  Einzelheiten  vielfach  gebessert, 
aber  mehr  in  Ruecksicht  auf  die  Sprache  als  auf  die  kuenstleri- 
sche  Form  seiner  Darstellung.  Von  dem  "Gepraege  kuenst- 
lerischer Vollendung"  zu  reden,  verraet  voellige  Unwissenheit. 
Seine  Schriften  in  der  Form  kuenstlerisch  zu  vollenden,  dazu 
haette  dem  vielbeschaeftigten  Mann,  der  neben  seiner  anderen 
reichen  Taetigkeit  manchmal  in  einem  Jahr  eine  erstaunliche 
Menge  Druckschriften  abfasste,  schon  die  Zeit  gefehlt,  wenn  er 


136         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Ltither  Research 

es  ueberhaupt  gewollt  haette.  Aber  er  konnte  es  auch  nicht  ein- 
mal  wollen,  oder  er  haette  anders  sein  muessen  seinem  ganzen 
Wesen,  Aniage  und  Temperament  nach,  als  er  war  und  sein 
wollte.  Und  er  haette  dann  seinen  Schriften  geradezu  ihren 
eigenartigen  Charakter  nehmen  muessen,  auf  dem  ihre  grosse 
Wirkung  bei  dem  Volke  beruhte.  Zwar  klar  und  uebersichtlich 
angelegt  sind  alle  seine  Schriften,  aber  das  Eifern  um  die  Sache 
durchbricht  sehr  haeufig  die  Form  und  stoert  die  Aniage.  In 
breitspuriger  Gedankenentwicklung,  die  gern  alles  mitnimmt, 
was  gerade  am  Wege  Hegt,  wenn  es  der  Sache  dienen  kann, 
fliesst  oft  der  Strom  der  Rede  dahin ;  alles  was  er  auf  dem  Herzen 
hat  muss  heraus;  in  seinem  Eifer  tut  er  sich  oft  kein  Genuege,  legt 
sich  kein  Mass  auf  und  bringt  so  dieselbe  Sache,  die  abgetan 
schien,  nicht  selten  mehrfach  wieder.  Oder  er  reiht,  besonders 
in  den  auf  die  Massen  berechneten  Streit-  und  Flugschriften  in 
bequemer  und  lockerer  Weise  der  Gedankenentwicklung  Ab- 
schnitt  an  Abschnitt,  und  zwar  in  der  aller  Kunst  und  Anordnung 
baren  Form  blosser  Aufzaehlung :  Zum  ersten,  Zum  zweiten  etc. 
So  erhalten  manche  seiner  Schriften  nicht  selten  etwas  Form- 
loses  fuer  uns,  die  wir  heute  eine  knappere  und  mehr  gedraengte 
Darstellung  fordern. 

Aber  mil  diesen  Maengeln  der  Form,  die  uebrigens  nicht  in 
alien  Schriften  gleichmaessig  hervortreten,  haengt  aufs  engste 
zusammen  der  eigenartige  Vorzug,  der  Reiz,  das  Packende 
Fortreissende  der  Luther'schen  Schriften.  Nicht  bloss  in  der 
frischen,  lebendigen,  anschaulichen  Sprache,  von  der  oben  die 
Rede  war,  liegt  dies,  sondern  auch  in  dem  Lebendigen,  der 
frischen  Unmittelbarkeit  seines  Stils  und  seiner  Darstellung 
ueberhaupt.  Luther  schreibt  und  redet,  und  beides  ist  bei  ihm 
eins,  immer  frisch  heraus  aus  dem  jeweiligen  Eindruck,  der 
unmittelbaren  Stimmung  des  Augenblicks.  Auch  beim  Schreiben 
sind  ihm  die,  fuer  die  er  schreibt,  an  und  gegen  die  er  seine 
Worte  richtet,  moegen  es  seine  Widersacher  oder  Freunde, 
moegen  es  Leute  aus  dem  Volk  oder  Fuersten  und  Adel  sein, 
immer  vor  Augen,  immer  ist  ihm  alles  und  jedes  gegenstaendlich, 
steht  leibhaftig  vor  ihm,  wie  bei  der  lebendigen  Rede.  Er  redet 
die  Personen  und  Dinge,  von  denen  er  spricht,  an,  plaudert,  ver- 
handelt,  streitet,  spielt  mit  ihnen,  als  wenn  sie  gegenwaertig  vor 
ihm  staenden.     Dies  giebt  seiner  Darstellung  oft  etwas  Drama- 


Foot  Notes  137 

tisches.  Und  je  nachdem  die  Saclie,  um  derentwillen  er  schreibt, 
seinen  Herzschlag  erregter  macht  oder  ruhiger  das  Herz 
schlagen  laesst,  ist  auch  die  Darstellung  erregter  oder  ruhiger, 
kampflustiger  oder  friedlicher,  ist  der  ganze  Ton  bis  auf  den  Fall 
der  Worte  und  Saetze  ein  anderer.  Alles  ist  eben  laut  gesprochen 
gedacht,  alles  ist  Icbcndige  Rede.  Bald  donnert  und  blitzt  es 
bei  ihm,  der  Sturm  zieht  einher  und  wirft  die  Mauern  der  Papis- 
ten  ueber  den  Haufen ;  bald  wieder  weht  uns  der  stille  Geist  des 
Friedens  an,  wo  er  die  "Summa  eines  christlichen  Lebens"  zieht; 
bald  hoeren  wir  die  liebevoll  mahnende  und  belehrende  Stimme 
des  Lehrers  und  Predigers,  der  die  Irregeleiteten  auf  die  richtige 
Bahn  zurueckfuehren  will ;  bald  wieder,  wie  in  der  Historic  von 
Bruder  Heinrichs  Tod,  den  schlichten,  einfaeltigen  Ton  der 
Chronik.  Je  nach  dem  Zweck,  den  er  verfolgt,  nach  den  Per- 
sonen,  an  die  er  sich  wendet,  je  nach  Lage  und  Umstaenden,  je 
nach  der  Sache,  fuer  die  er  eifert,  ist  Ton  und  Charakter  seiner 
Schriften  ein  anderer,  und  jedesmal  der  angemessene.  Und 
jeder  Stimmung,  jeder  Tonart  fuegt  sich,  wie  Stil  und  Darstel- 
lung, so  auch  seine  Sprache.  Alle  Mittel  stehen  ihm  zur  Ver- 
fuegung:  Der  derbe,  wenn  es  sein  muss,  selbst  niedrige  Aus- 
druck,  wenn  er  nur  volkstuemlich  ist  und  wirkt,  die  Keulenworte, 
Hohn  und  Spott  ebenso  wie  die  zartesten  und  lieblichsten  Worte; 
Bilder,  Gleichnisse,  Sprichwoerter,  Personifikationen,  das  Wort- 
spiel  und  der  Gleichklang,  die  Form  der  rhethorishen  Wieder- 
holung,  der  Steigerung  und  Uebertreibung,  alles  ist  ihm  zur 
Hand.  Will  man  in  diesem  lebendigen  Gefuehl,  diesem  sicheren 
Takt,  fuer  die  jedesmal  angemessene  Form  und  fuer  das  le- 
bendig  Wirksame  Kunst  sehen,  so  mag  man  das ;  aber  es  ist  an- 
geborene  Kunst,  nicht  gesuchte,  obschon  Luther  sie  mit 
Bewusstsein  angewendet  hat. 

Auch  die  Eigenheiten  seines  Sat::baHS  erklaeren  sich  aus  der 
lebendigen  Rede.  Oft  finden  wir  ein  lockeres  Gefuege,  wenig 
Unterordnung;  Gedanke  reiht  sich  eben  an  Gedanke,  wie  er  im 
Augenblick  kommt,  in  einfachster  Form,  noch  ehe  die  Arbeit 
logischer  Unterordnung  begonnen  hat.  Selbst  die  vermittelnden 
Konjunktionen  koennen  zwischen  ihnen  fehlen,  der  Redende 
spart  sie,  um  seine  Worte  wirkungsvoller  zu  machen,  und  er- 
setzt  das  Fehlende  durch  den  Ton.  Oft  draengen  zwei,  drei 
und  mehr  Nebengedanken  sich  herzu,  sie  werden  alle  im  Augen- 


138         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

blick,  sowie  sie  kommen,  in  der  lebendigen  Rede  mitgenommen, 
schliesslich  ist  die  urspruenglich  begonnene  Form  des  Satzes 
darueber  vergessen,  und  es  entsteht,  bei  Luther  nicht  selten,  das 
Anakoluth.  Anderwaerts  begegnen  wir  bei  ihm  wieder  Satz- 
schachtelungen.  Sie  erwachsen  aus  derselben  Wurzel.  Auch  sie 
beruhen  wesentlich  darauf,  dass  der  Redende  all  die  Gesicht- 
spunkte,  die  gleichzeitig  in  Betracht  kommen,  auch  gleichzeitig 
und  mit  eins  seinen  Hoerern  zu  Gehoer  bringen  will,  ohne  dass 
er  sich,  wie  der  Schreibende  das  kann  und  soil,  die  Zeit  goennt, 
zu  sehen,  ob  nicht  das  Gleiche  durch  eine  kunstvollere  Anord- 
nung  und  Verteilung  auch  erreicht  wird.  Hier  von  dem  Ein- 
fluss  der  Kanzleisprache  zu  reden,  wie  man  das  tut,  ist  ver- 
kehrt,  es  heisst  Luthers  Stil,  der  aus  der  lebendigen  Rede  er- 
wachsen ist,  missverstehen. 

Endlich  ist  auch  die  oft  freie  Wortfolge,  das  Weglassen  der 
Hilfszeitwoerter  "sein"  und  "haben,"  der  pronominalen  Sub- 
jekte,  wo  sie  leicht  aus  dem  Zusammenhang  sich  ergeben,  das 
einmalige  Setzen  des  Artikels  bei  Verbindungen  von  Woertern 
verschiedenen  Geschlechtes  und  sogar  verschiedenen  Nummerus, 
das  einmalige  Setzen  des  "zu"  vor  Verbindungen  mehrerer  In- 
finitive, die  haeufige  Silbenkuerzung  durch  Apokope  und  Syn- 
kope,  wie  endlich  auch  die  Vorliebe  zu  alliterierenden  und  rei- 
menden  Gleichklaengen,  alles  dieses  ist  aus  der  lebendigen  Rede 
zu  erklaeren,  wie  es  denn  im  Volksliede  gang  und  gaebe  ist  und 
noch  bei  Goethe,  "dem  Knecht  Luthers"  wie  ihn  der  Staatsrat  v. 
Merian  genannt  hat,  vielfach  begegnet. 

Wie  Luther  ein  geborener  Redner  war,  so  ist  er  ein  Redner 
auch  da,  wo  er  schreibt,  in  jedem  Satz,  in  jedem  Wort.  Laut 
gesprochen  wollen  seine  Worte  sein,  nicht  stumm  gelesen,  wenn 
man  den  Zauber  dieser  Sprache  und  Darstellung,  das  frische 
Leben,  den  rednerischen  Akzent,  Satzbau,  Ton  und  Fall  seiner 
Saetze  und  Perioden  an  sich  erfahren  und  verstehen  will.  Dann 
wird  auch  der  Reiz  seiner  Schriften,  der  bisher  noch  nicht  er- 
waehnt  ist,  dass  aus  jeden  Luther'schen  Schrift  die  Persoenlich- 
keit  des  Mannes,  bald  diese  bald  jene  Seite  mehr  beleuchtet, 
zutage  tritt,  zu  wirkungsvoller  Geltung  kommen.  Noch  mag 
hier  eine  Aeusserung  des  Kurfuersten  von  Sachsen  Johann 
Friedrich  ueber  Luthers  Schriften  einen  Platz  finden,  die  Auri- 
faber     in     der     Vorrede     zu     der     Eisleben'schen     Sammlung 


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Catechism-table  in  Low-Gecman,  1529. 

Several  months  before  Luther  edited  the  Small  Catechism  ii  linok  fori 
tables  or  placards,  ready  to  hang  up  on  the  wall  at  home,  inl  the  school 
to  keep  these  texts  and  explanations  always  in  sight.  Only  olu-  of  then; 
served.  It  contains  the  morning  and  evening  prayers  of  the  ICatechism 
is  three-fourths  the  size  of  the  original. 


Foot  Notes  139 

Luther'scher  Schrifteii  (1564)  mitteilt;  "Der  Kurfuerst  pflegte 
ofte  zu  mir  zu  sagen,  dass  Luthers  Buecher  herzeten,  durch 
Mark  und  Bein  gingen  und  reichen  Geist  in  sich  haetten.  Denn 
wenn  er  gleich  einen  Bogen  von  anderer  Theologen  Schriften 
lese  und  nur  ein  Blaetlin  Luther  dagegen  hielte,  so  befuende  er 
mehr  Safts  und  Krafts,  denn  in  ganzen  Bogen  anderer  Scriben- 
ten."  (1.  c.  p.  21  fif.) 

Gillhoff  in  praise  of  the  language  of  the  Small  Catechism 
writes  in  part  as  follows :  "Es  ist  ein  ganz  merkwuerdiges  Auf- 
und  Niederwogen,  wie  wir  es  vielleicht  in  der  ganzen  Literatur 
nicht  wiederfinden.  Und  in  diese  Rhythmen  schmiegt  sich  leicht 
und  sicher  ein  StofF,  von  dem  niemand  sagen  kann,  dass  er 
Musik  und  Rythmus  in  sich  trage,  wie  etwa  ein  Volkslied  seine 
Melodic.  Das  ist  ueberstroemende  Tonfuelle  und  zugleich  vol- 
lendete  Meisterung  deutscher  Volksart  und  deutscher  Volks- 
sprache.  Und  die  einzelnen  Wendungen  wachsen  und  dehnen 
sich  aus.  Umfangreichere  Figuren  tauchen  auf,  greifen  inein- 
ander,  bewegen  sich  in  denselben  Schwingungen.  Einfache 
Wortfuegungen  werden  abgeloesst  von  praepositionalen  Figuren ; 
kurze  sjaitaktische  Tongebilde  uebernehmen  weiterhin  die  Fuehr- 
ung.  An  die  Stelle  der  zwei  Glieder  treten  gar  drei.  Spielend 
leicht  greifen  sie  Nebenmotive  und  Geleittoene  auf,  fuehren  sie 
fort,  weben  sie  ineinander,  und  ihre  hoechste  Bluete  erreicht  diese 
dreigliedrige  Komposition  in  der  beruehmten  unvergleichlichen 
Erklaerung  zum  anderen  Artikel. 

"Wenn  jemals  ein  Sprachmeister  erstand,  der  in  den  einfachs- 
ten  Toenen  tiefste  Geheimnisse  aussprach,  so  war  es  hier.  Wenn 
jemals  in  deutscher  Sprache  und  Art  ein  im  kleinen  Rahmen 
ucberschaubares  Kunstwerk  deutscher  Prosa  geschaffen  wurde, 
so  geschah  es  hier,  wenn  jemals  die  Goetter  einen  Mann  seg- 
neten,  dass  er,  bewusst  oder  unbewusst,  ein  vollendetes  Werk 
der  Volkskunst  schuf  auf  dem  Boden  des  Volks  und  seiner 
Beduerfnisse,  in  der  Art  des  Volks  und  mit  den  Ausdrucks- 
mitteln  seiner  Sprache,  zum  Heil  des  Volks  und  seiner  Jugend 
durch  die  Jahrhunderte,  so  war  es  hier.  Die  Erklaerung  zum  an- 
deren Artikel  ist  ein  Hauptstueck  der  Heimatkunst  deutscher 
Poesie.  Aber  sie  ist  es  vor  allem  um  deswillen,  weil  sie  nicht 
aus  duerrer  Umgebung  hervorragt  und  allein  auf  sich  den  Blick 
lenkt.     Sie  ist  es  nur  um  deswillen,  weil  sie  in  sich  zusammen- 


140  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

fasst  und  kroent,  was  durchgaengiger  Charakter  des  Buechleins 
ist."     (1.  c.  p.  15,  16.) 

Alfred  Goetze  characterizes  the  German  literature  of  the 
period  of  the  Reformation  as  follows :  "Man  hat  in  der  Litera- 
tur  des  16.  Jahrhunderts  von  einer  Reformationspause  ge- 
sprochen.  Der  Ausdruck  birgt  ein  Koernlein  Wahrheit  und  eine 
grosse  Ungerechtigkeit.  Gewiss  sind  von  der  gewaltigen  re- 
ligioesen  Anspannung  der  Zeit  zugleich  mit  andern  geistigen 
Kraeften  auch  die  literarischen  eine  Zeit  lang  zurueckgedraengt 
worden;  gewiss  hat  die  Reformation,  wie  in  die  nationale  und 
politische  Entwicklung,  so  auch  in  die  literarische  einen  neuen 
Gegensatz  getragen,  in  dem  sie  die  Glaubenseinheit  der  mittel- 
alterlichen  Gesellschaft  aufhob.  Aber  keineswegs  kann  man 
behaupten,  dass  die  Epoche,  die  das  geistige  Leben  der  neuen  Zeit 
bestimmt  hat,  in  der  Gemuet  und  Geist  ihr  Gepraege  erhalten 
haben  auf  Jahrhunderte  hinaus,  fuer  die  Literatur  ausfalle. 
Geistige  Freiheit,  Idealismus  und  Sittlichkeit,  den  ungehammten 
Zug  zur  Wahrheit  und  die  Wucht  der  Sprache  hat  auch  die 
Dichtung  der  neuen  Zeit  als  Erbteil  der  Reformation  bekommen. 
Daneben  koennte  die  eigene  poetische  Leistung  der  Reformation 
getrost  zuruecktreten  als  eine  gleichgueltige  Nebenfrucht,  zu- 
faellig  gereift  da,  wo  so  viel  Gewaltigeres  im  Keim  angelegt 
wurde.  Tatsaechlich  aber  ist  das  alles  beherrschende  religioese 
Interesse  der  Reformationszeit  durchaus  nicht  poesiefeindlich 
gewesen.  Es  bedurfte  vielmehr  der  Hilfe  der  Dichtung,  und 
die  f  uehrenden  Geister  sind  sich  dessen  f  rueh  bewusst  geworden : 
Luther  selbst  ist  zu  allem  audi  ein  grosser  Dichter  gewesen. 
Im  Beruf  des  Vaters  wie  im  Wesen  der  Mutter  greift  ihm  das 
Poetische  am  naechsten  zum  Herzen.  Diese  Zuege  sind  es,  die 
ihn  in  der  bunten  Kirchlichkeit  der  Bergstadt  Mansfeld,  der 
duesteren  Asketik  Magdeburgs,  in  Heiligendienst  und  Aber- 
glauben  ruehren  und  fesseln.  Die  Natur  der  goldenen  Aue  und 
der  heitere  Sinn  ihrer  Bewohner  praegen  ihn  zum  hurtigen, 
froehlichen  Gesellen,  sangesfroh  und  wunderbar  frisch  in  der 
Beobachtung  alles  dessen,  was  ihm  vor  Augen  tritt,  dazu  von 
einer  packenden  Gewalt  der  Sprache,  die  all  dieser  Beobachtung 
Leben  und  Farbe  durch  vier  Jahrhunderte  geliehen  hat.  Auf 
sprachlichem  Gebiet  liegt  denn  die  Grosstat  Luthers,  mit  der 
er   am   unwidersprochensten   und   breitesten   gewirkt   hat:    Der 


Foot  Notes  141 

Reformator,  der  das  geistige  Leben  der  Reformation  neu  be- 
gruendet,  schafft  auch  die  Form  neu,  in  der  es  einherstroemen 
und  wachsen  kann, — eine  Leistung,  wie  sie  auf  sprachlichem 
Gebiet  kein  zweiter  Deutscher  aufzuweisen  hat.  Er  fuellt  die 
junge  Schriftsprache  mit  dem  gewaltigsten  Inhalt  in  Bibelue- 
bersetzung  und  Exegese,  Predigt  und  Polemik, — alle  auch  an 
poetischem  Gewinn  so  reich,  dass  es  fuer  Luthers  Dichtergroesse 
fast  nich  noetig  waere,  dass  er  selbst  auch  als  Dichter  das  Wort 
ergriflfen  haette.  Er  hat  es  getan,  gewaltiger  als  irgend  ein 
Zeitgenosse,  und  hat  seiner  Kirche  das  Kirchenlied  geschaffen, 
das  sie  brauchte.  Die  gewaltige  Bewegung  lebt  und  arbeitet 
darin,  aber  alle  persoenlichen  Beziehungen  sind  abgestreift: 
Darum  traegt  Luthers  Dichtung  den  Stempel  ewiger  Geltung." 
(Die  Religion  in  Geschichte  u.  Gegenwart  III,  p.  2256.) 

^5  G.  Kawerau,  Geschichte  der  Reformation  und  Gegenrefor- 
mation,  2.  ed.,  1899,  p.  34;  cfr.  also:  Deutsche  Literaturzeitung, 
1893,  col.  1582. — F.  V.  Bezold,  Luthers  Rueckkehr  von  der  Wart- 
burg  (Zeitschr.  f.  Kirchengesch.),  1900. — G.  Kawerau,  Luthers 
Rueckkehr  von  der  Wartburg,  1902. — H.  Barge,  Andreas  Boden- 
stein  von  Karlstadt,  1905. — K.  Mueller,  Luther  und  Karlstadt, 
1907. — H.  Barge,  Fruehprotestantisches  Gemeindechristentum  in 
Wittenberg  und  Orlamuende,  1909. — N.  Mueller,  Die  Witten- 
berger  Bewegung,  1521  und  1522,  2d  ed.,  191 1  (first  published  in: 
Archiv   fuer  Reformationsgesch,   1909-1910). 

66  ■\\r.  Walther,  Heinrich  VIIL  von  England  und  Luther,  1908. 

^^  J.  Gottschick,  Luthers  Anschauungen  vom  christlichen  Got- 
tesdienst  und  seine  tatsaechliche  Reform  desselben,  1887. — P. 
Gruenberg,  Die  reformatorischen  Ansichten  und  Bestrebungen 
Luthers  und  Zwinglis  in  Bezug  auf  den  Gottesdienst  (Theol. 
Studien  und  Kritiken),  1888. — E.  Achelis,  Studien  ueber  das 
geistliche  Amt  (Theol.  Studien  und  Kritiken),  1898. — J.  Hans, 
Der  protestantische  Kultus,  1890. — G.  Rietschel,  Luthers  Lehre 
vom  Gottesdiendienst  (Halte  was  du  hast),  1895. — E.  Achelis, 
Die  Entstehungszeit  von  Luthers  geistlichen  Liedern,  1884. — G. 
Kawerau,  Liturgische  Studien  zu  Luthers  Taufbuechlein  von 
1523  (Z.  f.  k.  Wissenschaft  u.  k.  Leben),  1889. — Groeszler,  Wann 
und  wo  entstand  das  Lutherlied:  Ein  feste  Burg,  etc.,  1905. — Fr. 
Spitta,  Ein  feste  Burg  ist  unser  Gott,  1905. — Fr.  Spitta,  Studien 
zu  Luthers  Liedern   (Monatschrift  fuer  Gottesdienst  und  kirchl. 


142  Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

Kunst),  1906  (Opposite  opinions  are  held  f.  i.  by  Tschackert, 
Drews,  Koehler,  Kawerau,  Albrecht). — Fr.  Zelle,  Das  aelteste 
lutherische  Hausgesangbuch.  Mit  Einleitung  und  textkritischem 
Kommentar,  1903. — J.  Zahn,  Die  Melodieen  der  deutsch-evangel. 
Kirche,  1898  £f. — A.  Leitzmann,  Luthers  geistliche  Lieder,  1907. — 
Ph.  Wolf  rum,  Die  Entstehung  und  erste  Entwicklung  des  deutsch 
evangl.  Kirchenlieds  in  musikalischer  Beziehung,  1890. — F.  Zelle, 
Die  Singweisen  der  aeltesten  evangl.  Lieder,  1899. — J.  Bachmann, 
Die  Entstehungszeit  der  geistlichen  Lieder  Luthers  (Zeitschr.  f. 
kirchl.  Wissenschaft,  etc.),  1884- 1885. — P.  Althaus,  Die  histori- 
schen  und  dogmatischen  Grundlagen  der  lutherischen  Tauflitur- 
gie,  1893. — G.  Rietschel,  Luthers  Lehre  von  der  Kindertaufe  und 
das  lutherische  Taufformular  (Festschrift  fuer  J.  Koestlin),  1896. 

68  O.  Albrecht,  Studien  zu  Luthers  Schrift  an  die  Ratsherrn 
(Theol.  Studien  u.  Krit),  1897. — M.  Schiele,  Preuszische  Jahr- 
buecher,  June  number,  1908,  refuted  by  A.  Sellschopp,  Was  der 
Herausgeber  der  Religionsgeschichtlichen  Volksbuecher  ueber 
die  Bedeutung  Luthers  und  des  Luthertums  fuer  Schule  und 
Erziehung  weiss  und  was  er  nicht  weiss  (Los  von  Luther),  191 1. 
—dr.  also  Mayer  u.  Prinzhorn,  Luthers  Gedanken  ueber  Er- 
ziehung und  Unterricht,  1883. — Froehlich,  Die  Klassiker  der 
Paedagogik,  vol.  28. — Lindner,  Luthers  paedagogische  Schriften 
(Paedagogische  Kalssiker  XV.).  Also  the  articles  on  Luther  in 
the  different  encyclopedias  of  pedagogics.  Also  Wagner,  Luther 
als  Paedagog. — Luther  als  Erzieher  (Berlin,  Warneck),  1902. — 
G.  Mertz,  Das  Schulwesen  der  deutschen  Reformationszeit,  1902. 

^^  Ferd.  Cohrs,  Die  evangelischen  Katechismusversuche  vor 
Luthers  Enchiridion,  1900-1902. — G.  Buchwald,  Zur  Wittenberger 
Stadt-und  Universitaetsgeschichte  in  der  Reformationszeit,  1893. 
— G.  Buchwald,  Stadtschreiber  M.  Stephan  Roth  in  Zwickau 
(Archiv  fuer  Geschichte  des  deutschen  Buchhandels),  1893. — G. 
Buchwald,  Die  Entstehung  der  Katechismen  Luthers,  1894. — 
M.  Reu,  Zur  Entstehungsgeschichte  des  kleinen  Katechismus 
(Kirchliche  Zeitschrift),  1894. — G.  Rietschel,  Luthers  Kleiner 
Katechismus  in  Tafelform  (Studien  u.  Kritiken),  1898. — Ferd. 
Cohrs,  Katechismen  Luthers  (Haucks  Real-Encj^klopaedie), 
1901. — A.  Ebeling,  Historisch  kritische  Ausgabe  von  M.  Luthers 
kleinem  Katechismus,  1901. — K.  Knoke,  Ausgaben  des  Luther- 
ischen Enchirdious  bis  zu  Luthers  Tod  und  Neudruck  der  Wit- 


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Foot  Notes  143 

tenberger  Ausgabe  von  1535,  1903. — O.  Albrecht,  Luthers  kleiner 
Katechismus  nach  der  Wittenberger  Ausgabe  von  1540  (Jahr- 
buecher  der  koeniglichen  Akademie  gemeinnuetziger  Wissen- 
schaften  zu  Erfurt),  1904. — K.  Knoke,  D.  Martin  Luthers  kleiner 
Katechismus  nach  den  aeltesten  Ausgaben  in  hochdeutscher, 
niederdeutscher  und  lateinischer  Sprache,  1904. — O.  Albrecht, 
Zur  Bibliographic  und  Textkritik  des  kleinen  Katechismus  (Ar- 
chiv  fuer  Reformationsgeschichte),  1903-1905. — O.  Albrecht,  Der 
kleine  Katechismus  D.  M.  Luthers  nach  der  Ausgabe  von  1536, 
1905. — O.  Albrecht,  Katechismusstudien  (Theologische  Studien 
und  Kritiken).  1907-1909. — O.  Albrecht,  Die  Katechismen 
Luthers  (Weimar  Edition  of  Luther's  Works,  vol.  30),  1910. — 
M.  Reu,  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  des  kirchlichen  Unterrichts  im 
evang.  Deutschland  zwischen  1530  und  1600.  L  Quellen  zur 
Geschichte  des  Katechismusunterrichts,  ist  vol.,  1904;  2d  vol., 
191 1 ;  3d  vol.,  1916.  II,  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  des  biblischen 
Unterrichts,  1906. — M.  Reu,  Religious  Instruction  in  the  i6th 
Century  (Lutheran  Church  Review),  1915-1916. — M.  Reu,  Die 
grosse  Bedeutung  des  kleinen  Katechismus  Luthers,  1913. — M. 
Reu,  Katechetik,  1915. — A.  Hardeland,  Luthers  Katechismusge- 
danken  in  ihrer  Entwicklung  bis  zum  Jahre  1529,  1913. — Joh. 
Meyer,  Luthers  grosser  katechismus.  Textausgabe  mit  Bezeich- 
nung  seiner  Predigtgrundlagen  und  Einleitung,  1914. 

^oR.  Sohm,  Lehrbuch  des  Kirchenrechts,  I  vol.  1892.— Th. 
Kolde,  Luthers  Gedanken  von  der  ecclesiola  in  der  ecclesia 
(Zeitschr.  fuer.  Kirchengesch.),  1893. — E.  Brandenburg,  Luthers 
Anschauung  von  Staat  und  der  Gesellschaft,  1901. — Th.  Kolde, 
Der  Staatsgedanke  der  Reformation  und  der  roemischen 
Kirche,  1903. — W.  Koehler,  Zu  Luthers  Kirchenbegriff  (Christl. 
Welt,  16),  1907. — P.  Drews,  Entsprach  das  Staatskirchentum  dem 
Ideal  Luthers  (Zeitschr.  f.  Theol.  und  Kirche),  1908. — H.  Her- 
melink,  Zu  Luthers  Gedanken  ueber  Idealgemeinden  und  von 
weltlicher  Obrigkeit  (Zeitschr.  f.  Kirchengesch.),  1908. — K. 
Mueller,  Kirche,  Gemeinde  und  Obrigkeit  nach  Luther,  1910. — 
K.  Holl,  Luther  und  das  landesherrliche  Kirchenregiment,  191 1. — 
G.  V.  Schulthesz-Rechberg,  Luther,  Zwingli  und  Kalvin  in  ihren 
Ansichten  ueber  das  Verhaeltnis  von  Staat  und  Kirche,  1909. 
— G.  Jaeger,  Politische  Ideen  Luthers  (Pr.  Jahrb.),  1903. — 
L.  H.  Waring,  the  political  theories  of  M.  Luther,  1910. — Com- 


144         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

pare :  Fr.  Lezius,  Luthers  Stellung  z.  tuerkischen  Weltmacht 
(Baltische  Monatsschrift). — W.  Jannasch,  Luther  und  die  Tuer- 
ken  (Christ.  Welt),  1916. — Fr.  Lezius,  Vom  Politischen  Genius 
nach  Luther  (Baltische  Monatsschrift). — K.  Sell,  Der  Zusam- 
menhang  von  Reformation  u.  politischer  Freiheit  (Theolog.  Ar- 
beiten  aus  dem  rheinisch-wissenschaft.  Predigerseminar,  Neue 
Folge,  Heft  12),  1910. — A.  C.  McGiffert,  Rise  of  Modern  Re- 
ligious Ideas,  1915. — Still  of  value  is :  E.  de  Laveleye,  Protestan- 
ism  and  Catholicism  in  their  bearing  upon  the  liberty  and  pros- 
perity of  nations,  1875. — A  splendid  essay  is :  H.  v.  Treitschke, 
Luther  u.  die  deutsche  Nation   (Preuss,  Jahrbuecher),  1883. 

'1  W.  Stolze,  Der  deutsche  Bauernkrieg,  1907. — H.  Boehmer, 
Urkunden  zur  Geschichte  des  Bauernkriegs  und  der  Wieder- 
taeufer,  1910. — K.  Stroele,  Das  evangelische  Element  im  deut- 
schen  Bauernkrieg  (Deutsch-evang.  Blaetter),  1900. — Th.  Som- 
merlad,  Die  wirtschaftliche  und  soziale  Bedeutung  der  deutschen 
Reformation  (Deutsch-evang.  Blaetter),  1895. — P.  F.  Schrecken- 
bach,  Luther  u.  d.  Bauernkrieg,  1895. — Th.  Sommerlad's  short  but 
instructive  article :  "Bauernkrieg"  in  "Die  Religion  in  Geschichte 
und  Gegenwart,"  i.  vol.,  1909. — W.  Vogt,  Bauernkrieg  (Haucks 
R.  E.),  1897. — R.  W.  Solle,  Reformation  und  Revolution,  Der 
deutsche  Bauernkrieg  und  Luthers  Stellung  in  demselben,  1897. — 
K.  Kaser,  Politische  u.  soziale  Bewegungen  im  deutschen  Buer- 
gertum  z.  Beginn  des  16.  Jahrhunderts,  1899. — L.  Feuchtwanger, 
Geschichte  der  sozialen  Politik  u.  d.  Armenwesens  i.  Zeitalter  d. 
Reformation,  1908. — F.  v.  Bezold,  Staat  u.  Gesellschaft  d.  Refor- 
mationszeitalters,  1908. — Especially,  B.  Riggenbach,  das  Armen- 
vi^esen  der  Reformation,  1883. — M.  v.  Nathusius,  Die  christlich- 
sozialen  Ideen  der  Reformationszeit  und  ihre  Herkunft,  1897. — 
F.  Lezius,  Luthers  Stellung  zu  den  sozialen  Fragen  seiner  Zeit, 
1898. — R.  Seeberg,  Luthers  Stellung  zu  den  sittlichen  und  so- 
zialen Noeten  seiner  Zeit,  2.  ed.,  1902. 

72  w.  Walther,  Ein  Merkmal  des  Schwaermergeistes,  1898.— 
W.  Walther,  Das  Zeugnis  des  H.  Geistes  nach  Luther  und  nach 
moderner  Schwaermerei,  1899.— W.  Walther,  Die  falsche  Geist- 
lichkeit  der  Schwaermer  (Zur  Wertung  der  deutschen  Reforma- 
tion), 1909.— W.  Walther,  Luther  und  die  Schwarmgeister  (Die 
14,  algemeine  Evg. — lutherische  Konferenz),  1913. — R.  Gruetz- 
macher,  Wort  und  Geist,  1902.— K.  Otto,  Die  Anschauung  vom 


Foot  Notes  145 

heil.  Geist  bei  Luther,  1898. — J.  Gottschick,  Die  Lehre  der  Refor- 
mation von  der  Taufe,  1906. — A.  Hegler,  Beitraege  zur  Ge- 
schichte  der  Mystik  in  der  Reformationszeit,  1906. — A.  Hegler, 
Geist  u.  Schrift  bei  Sel.  Franck,  1892. — O.  Scheel,  Wider  die 
himmlischen  Profeten  (i.  suppl.  vol.  of  the  Braunschweig-Berlin 
Luther  Edition),  1905. — O.  Scheel,  Individualismus  und  Gemein- 
schaftschristentum  in  der  Auseinandersetzung  Luthers  mit  Karl- 
stadt  (Zeitschr.  f.  Theol.  u.  Kirche),  1907. — Cfr.  also  P.  Wappler, 
Inquisition  und  Ketzerprozesse  in  Zwickau,  dargestellt  im  Zu- 
sammenhang  mit  der  Entwicklung  der  Ansichten  Luthers  und 
Melanchthons  ueber  Glaubens-und  Gewissensfreiheit,  1908. — 
Compare  N.  Paulus  Protestantismus  u.  Toleranz  i.  16.  Jahrhun- 
dert,  191 1. — K.  Voelker,  Toleranz  u.  Intoleranz  i.  Zeitalter  d. 
Reformation,  1912. — T.  A.  Faulkner,  Luther  and  toleration,  1914. 
— P.  Wappler,  Die  Taeuferbewegung  in  Thueringen,  1913. — C. 
Sachsse,  Balth.  Hubmaier  als  Theologe,  1914. 

■^3  F.  Lezius,  Zur  Charakteristik  des  religioesen  Standpunkts 
des  Erasmus,  1895. — J.  v.  Walter,  Das  Wesen  der  Religion  nach 
Erasmus  und  Luther,  1906. — M.  Richter,  Erasmus  und  seine 
Stellung  zu  Luther,  1907. — K.  Zickendraht,  Der  Streit  zwischen 
Erasmus  und  Luther  ueber  die  Willensfreiheit,  1909. — J.  v. 
Walter,  De  libero  arbitrio  des  Erasmus,  1910. — J.  v.  Walter,  Die 
neueste  Beurteilung  des  Erasmus,  191 1. — O.  Scheel,  2.  supple- 
mentary vol.  Braunschweig-Berlin  Luther  edition,  1905. — K. 
Stange,  Die  reformatorische  Lehre  von  der  Freiheit  des  Handelns 
(Neue  Kirchl  Zeitschr.),  1903. — K.  Stange,  Die  Bedeutung  der 
lutherischen  Lehre  von  der  Praedestination  (The  Lutheran 
Quarterly),  1904. 

"■^  W.  Walther,  Die  reformierte  Taktik  im  Sakramentsstreit  der 
Reformationszeit  (Neue  kirchl.  Zeitschrift),  1896. — K.  Jaeger, 
Luthers  religioeses  Interesse  an  seiner  Lehre  von  der  Realprae- 
senz,  1900. — K.  Thimme,  Entwicklung  u.  Bedentung  der  Sacra- 
mentslehre  Luthers  (N.  kirchl.  Zeitschrift),  1901. — Fr.  Graebke, 
Die  Konstruktion  der  Abendmachtslehre  Luthers  in  ihrer  Ent- 
wickdlung  dargestellt,  1908. — H.  Rallies,  Der  lutherische  Sakra- 
mcntsbegriff,  1908. 

"'>  Th.  Kolde,  Die  Augsburger  Konfession,  lateinisch  und 
deutsch,  kurz  erlaeutert,  Mit  fuenf  Beilagen :  i.  Die  Marburger 
Artikel ;  2.  Die  Schwabacher  Artikel ;  3.  Die  Torgauer  Artikel ; 


146         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

4.  Die  Confutatio  pontificia;  5.  Die  Augustana  von  1540  (Vari- 
ata)  ;  2d  ed.,  191 1. — K.  Schornbaum,  Zur  Politik  des  Markgrafen 
Georg  von  Brandenburg,  1906. — K.  Schornbaum,  Zur  Politik  der 
Reichsstadt  Nuernberg,  1906. — H.  von  Schubert,  Buendnis  und 
Bekenntnis  1529-1530,  1910. — H.  von  Schubert,  Bekenntnisbildung 
und  Religiouspolitik,  1910. — Th.  Kolde,  Marburger  Religions 
gespraech  (Hauck's  Real-Encyklopaedie),  1903. — Compare  also: 
E.  Egli,  Luther  und  Zw^ingli  in  Marburg  (Theol.  Zeitschrift  aus 
der  Schweiz),  1884. — B.  Bess,  Luther  in  Marburg  (Preussische 
Jahrbuecher,  vol.  104). 

■"•^  Th.  Kolde,  Die  aelteste  Redaktion  der  Augsburger  Konfes- 
sion  mit  Melanchthons  Einleitung  zum  ersten  Mai  herausgegeben 
und  geschichtlich  gewuerdigt,  1906. — Th.  Kolde,  Neue  Augus- 
tanastudien  (N.  kirchl.  Zeitschrift),  1906. — C.  A.  H.  Burckhardt, 
Luthers  und  des  Kurfuersten  Reise  nach  Koburg,  bez.  Augsburg 
1530  (Zeitschr.  f.  kirchl.  Wrssenschaft  und  kirchl.  Leben),  1887. 
— G.  Buchwald,  Ungedruckte  Predigten  Luthers  von  der  Koburg, 
1884. — G.  Buchwald,  Unbekannte  Predigten  Luthers  von  der 
Koburg,  1916. 

''^  A.  Thoma,  Katharina  von  Bora,  1900. — E.  Kroker,  Katharina 
von  Bora,  1906. — W.  Kawerau,  Die  Reformation  und  die  Ehe, 
1892.— Compare :  S.  Baranowski,  Luthers  Lehre  von  der  Ehe, 
1913. — W.  Ebstein,  Dr.  Martin  Luthers  Krankheiten  und  deren 
Einfluss  auf  seinen  koerperlichen  und  geistigen  Zustand,  1908. 

''■^  L.  Cardauns,  Die  Lehre  vom  Widerstandsrecht  des  Volks 
gegen  die  rechtmaessige  Obrigkeit  im  Luthertum  und  Calvinis- 
mus  des  16.  Jahrhunderts,  1903. 

79  We  give  the  whole  passage  of  the  "Kirchenordnung"  for 
Pommern  of  1534  (printed  1535).     Here  we  read: 

Van  examinatoribiis.— "Wert  vor  gut  angeseen,  dat  de  pre- 
dicanten  to  Stettin  tosammende  in  deme  orde,  und  alle  predican- 
ten  torn  Griepswolde  eder  tom  sunde  des  ordes,  unde  de  pedican- 
ten  to  Colberge  in  dem  sulvigen  orde  examinatores  sind,  also  dat 
wor  men  einen  predicanten  annehmen  will,  dat  men  den  hen- 
sende  in  de  negeste  Stadt  van  den  dreen,  dat  he  dar  examiniert 
werde,  efifte  he  duechtig  si  gades  wort  to  leeren  unde  seelen  sorge 
up  sick  to  nehmen,  unde  dat  he  dar  eine  korte  rede  dho,  eine  halve 
stunde  lank  vam  gesette  unde  evangelic,  geloven  und  werken; 
darna  frage  men  ehn,  wat  he  van  den  sacramenten,  bote  unde 


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overicheit  holde.  Unde  so  he  duechtig  in  der  leere  gefunden 
wert,  schoelen  de  suelvigen  predicanten  eine  schriftlicke  tuech- 
nisse  geven  siner  leere ;  dar  na  mach  de  gemene,  de  solcken  pre- 
dicanten bogeret,  dorch  de  ienen  den  solckes  bevalen  is,  as  noem- 
lick  dorch  den  rat  und  alle  casten,  diakene  eder  andere,  de  dat 
ius  patronatus  hebben,  solcken  predicanten  annehmen  unde  dem 
bischop  presentieren,  mit  antoegingen  siner  gnaden,  dat  dese  si 
ein  ehrlick  man  unde  unberuechtiget,  siner  leere  oeverst  halven, 
wert  he  tuechenisse  van  den  examinatoribus,  unde  denne  schall 
em  de  bischop  vor  holden,  noemlick  dat  he  schall  dat  wort  gades 
truwlick  und  vlitich  prediken,  unde  sick  der  ordeninge  deses 
landes  unverruecklick  na  holden,  unde  ein  ehrlick  tuechtich 
levend  voeren,  van  den  sacramenten  christlick,  samt  den  anderen 
deses  landes  eindrechtichlick  holden  gehorsam  sin  siner  over- 
icheit in  alien  billicken  dingen,  und  solcken  gehorsam  ock  leren, 
unde  wo  he  gefunden  wuerde  hirwider  to  doende,  dat  he  entsettet, 
unde  ock  wo  he  in  froemde  unrechte  leere  unde  gebruck  der  sac- 
ramente  vele,  vorwiset  werden  scholle ;  darna  schall  ehne  de 
bischop  bestedigen,  und  also  bestediget  schicken  der  kerken,  de  en 
fordert.  Wat  hir  oeverst  to  gevende  si  vor  breve  unde  segel, 
schall  de  kercke  utrichten. 

Darna  up  einen  sondach  schall  de  suelvige  predicant  dor  dem 
altare,  so  idt  eine  stadt  is,  na  der  epistel  mit  upleginge  der  hende 
dorch  de  anderen  predicanten,  unde  etlicke  van  der  gemene,  unde 
den  oldeaten  angenamen  werden  unde  der  kerken  bevalen  mit  den 
ccremonien  in  der  Luebischen  ordeninge  vorvatet. 

So  idt  overst  ein  dorp  is,  schoelen  de  negesten  beide  parhern 
ehne  annehmen  unde  bestedigen  in  siner  kerken  na  der  sulvigen 
wise." 

79a  We  add  the  letter  of  Luther,  dated  October  24,  1535,  show- 
ing Luther's  and  Bugenhagen's  view.  It  reads :  Suo  in  Domino 
fratri  carissimo  Friderico  Mj^conio,  ministro  Christ!  in  Ecclesia 
Gothensi  fidelissimo  et  suavissimo. — Gratiam  et  pacem  in  Christo. 
Remittimus  vestrum  Joannem  per  vos  vocatum  et  electum,  per 
nos  quoque  examinatum,  et  publice  coram  nostra  Ecclesia  inter 
orationes  et  laudes  Dei  in  vestrum  comministrum  ordinatum  et 
confirmatum  ad  mandatum  Principis  nostri,  licet  D.  Pomeranus 
non  satis  facilis  ad  hoc  fuerit,  ut  qui  adhuc  sentit,  quemlibet  in 
Ecclesia  sua  ordinandum  per  suos  presbyteros.   Quod  fiet  tandem, 


148         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

ubi  ista  res  nova  et  ordinatio  radices  altius  egerit,  et  mos  firmior 
factus  fuerit.  Commendamus  eum  vobis,  ut  dignum  est.  Et 
simul  pro  nobis  orate,  sicut  nos  pro  vobis.  Nihil  novarum  hie  est. 
Valete  omnes  in  Christo.  Feria  4.  post  Lucae  1535. — Si  testi- 
monio  aliquando  ei  fuerit  opus,  ex  vobis  dari  satis  fuerit,  cum 
aliquantum  ministraverit. — T.  Martinus  Luther. 

We  also  add  the  passage  of  the  "Kirchenordnung"  for  Luebeck 
to  which  Bugenhagen  here  refers.     Here  we  read : 

Des  sondages,  wen  de  epistole  gelesen  is,  balde  schall  ein 
prediker  edder  capellan  up  dem  predickstole  alse  vermanen : 
Leven  Frunde  in  Christo,  gi  weten,  dat  wi  apenbar  gebeden  heb- 
ben,  dat  uns  godt  umme  Christus  willen  wolde  toschicken  einen 
superattendenten,  pastorem  edder  parner,  capellaen  edder  pre- 
diker. Dar  baven  habben  de,  den  idt  bevalen  is,  ock  eren  deenst 
und  vlit  dar  to  gedaen  und  erwelet  N.,  welcken  se  so  vele  min- 
schliken  gerichte  und  vorstande  mogelick,  achten  erlick,  tuchtich, 
sedich,  nicht  girich,  unstraflick  vor  sick  und  de  sinen,  de  he  bi 
sick  plecht  to  hebbende,  darto  geweldig  mit  dem  worde  des  heren, 
de  conscientie  undertorichtende,  und  den  weddersprekeren  den 
mund  to  stoppende,  alse  Paulus  tom  Timotheo  und  Tito  leret,  und 
Christus  ock  vam  truwen  hussholdere  Matth.  24.  Darumme  bid- 
det,  dat  godt  dorch  Jesum  Christum  unsen  heren  em  gnade  geve, 
sulck  amt  uns  tor  salicheit  tovorende  gedenket  jo,  welk  ein  exem- 
pel  Christus  uns  sulvest  gegeven  hefft,  alse  Lucas  schrifFt  im  6. 
cap.,  do  he  des  morgens  wolde  vorderen  unde  erwehlen  de  11 
apostelen  tom  predickampte,  hedde  he  tovorne  de  gansen  nacht 
gebedet  allene  up  dem  berge  to  gade,  dat  wi  ock  mit  unsem  bede 
gade  dusse  sake  bevelen,  so  kan  se  nicht  ovel  geraden,  wen  wi  ock 
na  mogeliken  vlite,  einen  Judas  unwetende  erweleden.  Dusse  N. 
avers  schall  nu  vor  dem  altar  mit  sange  un  bede,  und  uplegginge 
der  hende  juwer  leve  vorgestellet  werden,  dat  wi  emn  so  in  dus- 
sem  unsem  ampte  der  gnade  gades  bevelen,  und  dese  gemene 
wete,  dat  dusser  personen  bi  uns  sulck  ampt  bevalen,  si.  Einen  e. 
radt,  de  kerkveders,  de  borgere  und  gemene  volk,  junk  und  olt, 
vormane  ick  tobedende,  dewile  de  kinder  dat  alleluia  im  chore 
singen. 

Dar  up  singen  de  kinder  im  chore  haleluia,  Veni  sancte  spiritus. 
Dewile  averst,  daz  me  so  singet,  kamen  de  pastores  ut  alien 
karken,  und  setten  sick  up  de  knee,  mit  dem  ordinanden  int  mid- 


Foot  Notes  149 

del  gestellet,  nedder  vor  dat  altar,  und  beden  hemelick  bi  sick. 
De  averst  de  nagolgende  collecta  schall  lesen,  schall  sick  up  de 
knee  setten  baven  vor  dat  altar  und  ock  beden.  Darsumme 
motme  in  der  karken,  dar  sulkes  gescheen  schal,  eine  halve  stunde 
tidiger  luden  to  der  missen,  dat  de  pastores  konnen  wedder  tidich 
kamen  to  eren  predickstolen,  dar  se  ock  scholen  gemene  bet  don 
na  de  sermone  vor  den  ordinatum 

So  balde  nu  dat  lialeluia  ute  is  mit  der  repeticie,  staen  alle  pre- 
dicanten  up  und  leggen  dem  sittenden  ordinando  de  hende  upt 
hovet,  de  averst  baven  vor  dat  altar  sat,  schall  vor  sinem  ange- 
sichte  staen,  gekeret  na  dem  volke,  leggen  ock  sine  hende  mit  den 
anderen  up,  und  lesen  dusse  collecta  edder  gebet. 

Lat  uns  bidden.  Almechtige  ewige  vader,  de  du  hafft  dorch 
unsen  einigen  mester  Jesum  Christum  alse  geleret,  de  arne  is  vele, 
averst  weinich  sint  der  arbeiders,  darumme  biddet  den  heren  der 
anre,  dat  he  arbeiders  in  sine  arne  sende,  welcke  worde  uns  vor- 
manen.  gude  arbeidere,  dat  sint  predikere,  van  diner  gnade  mit 
ernstlickem  bede  to  vordere.  Wi  bidden  dine  gruntlose  barm- 
herticheit,  dattu  machst  gnedich  upseent  up  dussen  dinen  knecht, 
unsen  erweleden  prediker,  dat  he  vlitick  si  mit  dinem  worde, 
Christum  Jesum  unse  einige  salicheit  to  predekende,  de  consci- 
entie  to  underrichtende  und  to  trostende,  to  strafende,  to  bedrou- 
wende,  to  vormanende  mit  aller  lanchmodicheit  und  lere,  dat  jo 
dat  hillige  evangelium  reine  ane  todont  minschliker  lere  stede  bi 
uns  blive  und  frucht  bringe  der  ewigen  salicheit  mank  uns  alien, 
dorch  den  sulvigen  Jesum  Christum  unsen  heren.  Respondetur 
amen. 

Dar  up  singet  dat  volk :  Nu  bidde  wi  den  hilligen  geest  etc.  und 
de  pastores  vallen  up  de  knee  und  bevelen  gade  dorch  Christum 
dusse  sake.  Balde  averst  staen  se  up  under  dem  sange,  und  gaen 
erlick  ut  de  karken,  ein  juwelick  na  sinem  predickstole.  Na  dem 
sange  prediket  me  etc. 

Sunderger  kleder  edder  pracht  dorve  wi  nicht  to  dusser  sake, 
sunder  allene,  wo  me  seen  mach,  steit  dusse  vorgescrevene  anne- 
minge  up  dussen  twen  nothliken  stucken.  Dat  erste,  dat  wi  de 
sake  gade  mit  unsem  bede  bevelen.  Dat  ander,  dat  de  gemene 
see  und  erkenne  den,  de  tom  predikampte  und  seelsorger  erwelet 
is,  dat  se  ene  dar  vor  holde.  Also  gelt  dusse  vorordeninge  vor 
gade  und  vor  den  luden  tor  salicheit. 


150         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

80  G.  Rietschel,  Luther  und  die  Ordination,  2.  ed.  1889. — E. 
Fischer,  Zur  Geschichte  der  Ordination  (Theol.  Studien  u.  Krit- 
iken),  1889. — Th.  Kolde,  Zur  Geschichte  der  Ordination  und 
Kirchenzucht  (Theol.  Studien  u.  Kritiken),  1894. — G.  Buchwald, 
Das  Wittenberger  Ordiniertenbuch,  i894f. — G.  Rietschel,  Luthers 
Ordinationsformular  in  seiner  urspruenglichen  Gestalt  (Theol. 
Studien  u.  Kritiken),  1895. — G.  Buchwald,  Wann  hat  Luther  seine 
erste  Ordination  vollzogen  (Th.  St.  u.  Krit.),  1896. — E.  Sehling, 
Die  evangelischen  Kirchenordnungen,  I  i.  p.  24!?.,  1903. — P. 
Drews,  Die  Ordination,  Pruefung  und  Lehrverpflichtung  der 
Ordinanden  in  Wittenberg  1535  (Deutsche  Zeitschrift  fuer 
Kirchenrecht),  1905. — G.  Mentz,  Friederich  der  Grossmuetige,  3 
vol.,  1908. — G.  Rietschel,  Lehrbuch  der  Liturgik,  2.  vol.  1909. — 
P.  Drews,  Weimar  Luther  Edition,  vol.  38,  1912. — P.  Vetter,  Das 
aelteste  Ordinationsformular  der  lutherischen  Kirche  (Archiv 
fuer  Reform.),  1915. 

81  G.  Mentz,  die  Wittenberger  Artikel  von  1536,  Lateinisch  und 
deutsch  zum  ersten  mal  herausgegeben,  1905. 

82  G.  Kawerau,  Briefwechsel  des  Justus  Jonas,  i.  vol.  1885. — 
H.  E.  Jacobs,  The  Lutheran  Movement  in  England,  1894. — M. 
Reu,  Quellen  z.  Geschichte  des  kirchl.  Unterrichts  zwischen  1530 
und  1600,  I,  I.  2.  3.  1904.  191 1.  1916. — If  it  is  not  made  impossible 
by  the  war,  the  present  writer  will  republish  this  rare  catechism 
in  its  original  English  form.  Compare  Grachner's  article  in  W. 
Dau,  Four  Hundred  Years,  St.  Louis,  1917,  and  E.  H.  Rausch  in 
Kirchliche  Zeitschrift  (February),  1917. 

83  K.  Zangemeister,  Die  Schmalkaldischen  Artikel  vom  Jahre 
1537-  Nach  Dr.  Martin  Luthers  Autograph  in  der  Universitaets- 
bibliothek  zu  Heidelberg,  1883. — Th.  Kolde,  Luthers  Motto  zu 
den  Schmalk.  Artikeln  (Zeitschr.  f.  Kirchengesch.),  1887. — G. 
Kawerau,  (eodem  loco),  1888. — H.  Virk,  Zu  den  Beratungen  der 
Protestanten  ueber  die  Konzilsbulle  vom  4.  Juni  1536  (eodem 
loco),  1892. — Th.  Kolde,  Zur  Geschichte  d.  Schmalk.  Artikel 
(Theol.  Studien  u.  Kritiken),  1894. — K.  Thieme,  Luthers  Testa- 
ment wider  Rom,  1900. — Th.  Kolde,  Schmalkald.  Artikel  (Haucks 
Realenzycl),  1906. — Th.  Kolde,  Historische  Einleitung  i.  d.  sym- 
bolischen  Buecher,  1907. — Fr.  Kattenbusch,  Luthers  Stellung  zu 
den  oekumenischen  Symbolen,  1883. 

83a  G.  Kawerau,  Beitraege  zur  Geschichte  des  antinomistischen 


Foot  Notes  151 

Streits  (Beitraege  z.  Reformationsgeschichte,  Koestlin  gewid- 
met),  1896. 

**  M.  Lenz,  Der  Briefwechsel  des  Landgrafen  Philipp  mit 
Bucer,  i.  vol.  1880. — F.  Koldewey,  Der  erste  Versuch  einer  Recht- 
fertigung  der  Bigamie  des  Landgrafen  (Theol.  Studien  und 
Kritiken),  1881. — W.  Walther,  Luther  und  die  Bigamie  (Tlieol. 
Studien  und  Kritiken),  1891. — W.  Rockwell,  Die  Doppelehe  des 
Landgrafen  Philipp  von  Hessen,  1904. — N.  Mueller,  Zur  Bigamie 
des  Landgrafen  Ph.  v.  Hessen  (Archiv  f.  Reform.),  1904. — W. 
Koehler,  (Historische  Zeitschrift),  1905. — Th.  Brieger,  Luther 
und  die  Nebenehe  des  Landgr.  Ph.  (Preussische  Jahrbuecher), 
1909,  und  (Zeitschrift  f.  Kirchengeschichte),  1908). — W.  Koehler, 
Luther  und  die  Luege,  1912. — cf.  also  G.  Sodeur,  Luther  und  die 
Luege,  1904. 

^'>  O.  Reichert,  Die  Wittenberger  Bibelrevisionskommissionen 
von  1531-1541  und  ihr  Ertrag  fuer  die  deutsche  Lutherbibel,  1905. 
Cf.  also  his  article  in  Koffmane,  Die  handschriftliche  Ueberlie- 
ferung  von  Werken  Martin  Luthers,  1907. — A.  Risch,  Welche 
Aufgaben  stellt  die  Lutherbibel  der  wissenschaftlichen  Forschung 
(Neue  kirchl.  Zeitschrift),  191 1.    Cfr.  note  64a  and  64b. 

86  E.  Brandenburg,  Luther,  Kursachsen  und  Magdeburg  in  den 
Jahren  1541  und  1542  (Deutsche  Zeitschrift  fuer  Geschichtswis- 
senschaft),  1896. 

s'^  O.  Albrecht,  Erlaeuterungen  zu  der  Naumburger  Kirchen-u. 
Schulordnung  von  1537  (Neue  Mitteilungen  d.  thuering.-saechs- 
ischen  Altertumsvereins),  1898  und  1900. — O.  Albrecht,  Medlers 
Naumburgen  Kirchenordnung  von  1537  (Monatsschrift  f.  Gottes- 
dienst  u.  kirchl.  Kunst),  1898. — Compare  also  Albrecht's  article  in 
Theol.  Studien  u.  Kritiken,  1898. 

®8  G.  Buchwald,  Luther  und  die  Juden,  1881. — R.  Lewin, 
Luthers  Stellung  zu  den  Juden,  191 1. 

88  C.  Wendeler,  Luthers  Bilderpolemik  gegen  das  Papsttum  von 
1545   (Archiv  f.  Literaturgeschichte),  vol.  14. 

80  E.  Schaefer,  Luther  als  Kirchenhistoriker,  1897. — W.  Koeh- 
ler, Luther  und  die  Kirchengeschichte  (until  1521),  1900. 

"^  J.  Haussleiter,  Die  geschichtliche  Grundlage  der  letzten  Un- 
terredung  Luthers  mit  Melanchthon  im  Abendmahlsstreit,  1546 
(Neue  kirchl.  Zeitschrift),  1898. — J.  Haussleiter,  Weitere  Mittei- 
lungen zur  letzten  Unterrcdung  Luthers,  etc.  (eodem  loco),  1899. 


152         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

^2  J.  Strieder,  Authentische  Berichte  ueber  Luthers  letzte  Le- 
bensstunden,  1912. — N.  Paulus,  Luthers  Lebensende,  1897. 

93  L.  von  Ranke,  Die  roemischen  Paepste  der  letzten  vier  Jahr- 
hunderte,  10.  ed.  1900. — L.  Pastor,  Beschichte  der  Paepste  seit 
dem  Ausgang  des  Mittelalters,  1895-1909. — L.  von  Ranke, 
Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter  der  Reformation,  cheap  and 
new  edition,  1914. — G.  Egelhaaf,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter 
der  Reformation,  3.  ed.  1893. — G.  Egelhaaf,  Deutsche  Geschichte 
im  16.  Jahrhundert  bis  zum  Augsburger  Religions frieden,  1889- 
1892. — L.  Haeusser,  Geschichte  des  Zeitalters  der  Reformation, 
1903. — F.  V.  Bezold,  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Reformation,  1890. 
— F.  V.  Bezold,  Staat  und  Gesellschaft  im  Reformationszeitalter 
(Kultur  der  Gegenwart),  1908. — K.  Lamprecht,  deutsche  Ge- 
schichte, 5  vol.  1896. — K.  Brandi,  Renaissance  (Weltgeschichte 
von  Pflugk-Harttung),  1907. — Th.  Brieger,  die  Reformation,  2. 
ed.  1914. — P.  Wernle,  Die  Renaissance  des  Christentums  im  16. 
Jahrhundert,  1904. — G.  Mentz,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter 
der  Reformation.  Gegenreformation  u.  des  30  jaehrigen  Krieges, 
1914. — G.  Kawerau,  Reformation  und  Gegenreformation  (Moel- 
lers  Kirchengeschichte  III),  3.  ed.  1907. — Th.  Lindsay,  A  History 
of  the  Reformation,  1906-1907.— Cambridge  Modern  History. 
The  Reformation,  1904.— Creighton,  A  History  of  the  Papacy 
during  the  Reformation,  1899-1901. — H.  Hermelink,  Reformation 
und  Gegenreformation  (Krueger,  Handbuch  d.  Kirchengesch. 
HI),  1911. 

9*  J.  Ficker  und  O.  Winckelmann,  Handschriftenproben  des  16. 
Jahrhunderts  nach  Strassburger  Originalen,  1902-1905. — G. 
Mentz,  Handschriften  der  Reformationszeit,  1912. — P.  Schwenke, 
Adressbuch  der  deutschen  Bibliotheken,  1893. 

95  Dahlmann-Waitz,  Quellenkunde  der  deutschen  Geschichte, 
herausgegeben  von  E.  Brandenburg,  7.  ed.  1906,  Supplement  1907. 
— G.  Wolf,  Quellenkunde  der  deutschen  Reformationsgeschichte. 
I  vol. :  Vorreformation  u.  allgemeine  Reformationsgeschichte, 
1915. — G.  L.  Kieffer,  List  of  References  of  the  Reformation  in 
Germany,  1917. 

96  G.  Buchwald,  Zur  Wittenberger  Stadt-und  Universitaetsge- 
schichte  der  Reformationszeit,  1893. — G.  Buchwald,  Der  Stadt- 
schreiber  M.  Stephan  Roth  in  seiner  literarisch-buchhaendler- 
ischen  Bedeutung  (Archiv  fuer  den  deutschen  Buchhandel),  1893. 


Foot  Notes  153 

^^  G.  Kawerau,  Johann  Agricola  von  Eisleben,  1881. — Th. 
Kolde,  Friederich  der  Weise,  1881. — G.  Kawerau,  K.  Guettel,  Ein 
Lebensbild  aus  Luthers  Freundeskreis,  1882. — Zucker,  Duerer  und 
die  Reformation,  1886. — Lindau,  Lucas  Cranach,  1883. — Grote, 
Lucas  Cranach,  1883. — H.  Hering,  Dr.  Pomeranus,  Johann  Bu- 
genhagen,  ein  Lebensbild  aus  der  Reformation,  1888. — K.  Werck- 
shagen,  Luther  und  Hutten,  1886. — K.  Sell,  Philip  Melanchthon 
und  die  deutsche  Reformation  bis  1531,  1897. — K.  Hartfelder, 
Melanchthon  als  Praeceptor  Germaniae,  1889. — E.  Heidrich, 
Duerer  und  die  Reformation,  1909. — G.  Berbig,  G.  Spalatin  und 
sein  Verhaeltnis  zu  Martin  Luther,  1906. — G.  Berbig,  Spalatini- 
ana,  1908. — F.  Scherfig,  Friederich  Mekum  von  Lichtenfels,  1909. 
— Koerner,  Erasmus  Alber,  1910. — Fr.  Kipp.  Sylvester  von 
Schaumburg,  der  Freund  Luthers,  1912. — G.  Anrich,  Martin  Bu- 
cer,  1914,  etc.,  etc.  Compare  also  the  biographical  articles  in 
Hauck's  Realenzyclopaedie. 

*^  Virck,  Winckelmann  und  Bernay,  Politische  Korrespondenz 
Strassburgs  aus  der  Reformationszeit,  1881-1898. — M.  Lenz,  Bu- 
cers  Briefwechsel  mit  Philipp  von  Hessen,  1880-1891. — W.  Frie- 
densburg,  Nuntiaturberichte  aus  Deutschland,  r.  part,  1533  fif., 
1892. — G.  Kawerau,  Briefwechsel  des  Justus  Jonas,  1884-1885. — 
O.  Vogt,  J.  Bugenhagens  Briefwechsel,  1888. — A.  Horawitz  und 
K.  Hartfelder,  Briefwechsel  des  Conr.  Mutianus,  1890. — P. 
Tschackert,  Urkundenbuch  der  Reformationsgeschichte  des  Her- 
zogtums  Preussen,  1890. — J.  Foerstemann  und  O.  Guenther, 
Briefe  an  Erasmus  von  1520-1535,  1904. — L.  Enthofen,  Briefe  an 
Erasmus,  1906. — F.  Gess,  Ackten  und  Briefe  zur  KirchenpoHtik 
Herzog  Georgs  von  Sachsen,  1905. — E.  Brandenburg,  Politische 
Korrespondenz  d.  Herzog  und  Kurfuersten  Aloritz  von  Sachsen, 
1900. — O.  Clemen,  Georg  Helts  Briefwechsel,  1907. — P.  S.  Allen, 
Opus  Epistularum  Erasmi,  3  vols.,  1906  ff. — J.  L.  French,  The 
Correspondence  of  C.  Schwenckfeldt  and  Philipp  of  Hesse,  1908. 
— W.  Friedensburg,  Briefe  katholischer  Theologen  aus  der  Re- 
formationszeit  (Zeitschrift  fuer  Kirchengeschichte),  1900  ff. 

®"  O.  Clemen,  Flugschriften  aus  der  ersten  Zeit  der  Reforma- 
tion, 1907  ff. — O.  Clemen,  Alte  Einblattdrucke,  191 1. — E.  Sehling, 
Die  evangelischen  Kirchenordnungen  des  16.  Jahrhunderts,  5 
vols.,  1903  ff. — F.  Cohrs,  Katechismusversuche  vor  Luthers  En- 
chiridion, 1900-1902. — M.  Reu,  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  des  kirch- 


154         Thirty-Five  Years  of  Luther  Research 

lichen  Unterrichts  im  evangelischen  Deutschland  zwischen  1530 
und  1600,  6  vols.,  1904-1916. 

100  E.  Gothein,  Die  Lage  des.  Bauernstandes  am  Ende  des  Mit- 
telalters  (Westdeutsche  Zeitschrift),  1885.— W.  Vogt,  Die  Vor- 
geschichte  des  Bauernkrieges,  1887. — K.  Kaser,  Politische  und 
soziale  Bewegungen  im  deutschen  Buergertum,  1899. — G.  v. 
Below,  Territorium  und  Stadt,  1900. — G.  Caro,  Probleme  der 
deutschen  Agrargeschichte,  1907. — W.  Zimmermann,  Geschichte 
des  Bauernkrieges.  Cheap  edition,  1907. — Th.  Sommerlad,  Das 
Wirtschaftsprogramm  des  Mittelalters,  1908. — W.  Stoltze,  Der 
deutsche  Bauernkrieg,  1908.— A.  Kluckhohn,  zur  Geschichte  der 
Handelsgesellschaften  und  Monopole  im  Zeitalter  der  Reforma- 
tion (Historische  Aufsaetze  dem  Andenken  an  Georg  Waitz 
gewidmet),  1886.— A.  E.  Harvey,  Economic  Self-Interest  in  the 
German  Anticlericalism  of  the  15.  and  16.  Centuries  (Ameri- 
can Journal  of  Theology),  1915.— Compare  H.  C.  Vedder,  The 
Reformation  in  Germany,   1914. — Compare  Note  71. 

101  G.  Freytag,  Doktor  Luther,  eine  Schilderung,  1883. — Plitt- 
Petersen,  Martin  Luthers  Leben,  1883. — J.  Koestlin,  Luthers 
Leben  mit  Illustrationen,  1883. — J.  Koestlin,  M.  Luther  der 
deutsche  Reformator,  1883. — C.  Burk,  Martin  Luther  (1883),  2. 
ed.,  1884.— M.  Lenz,  Martin  Luther  (1883),  3.  ed.,  1897.— W. 
Rein,  Martin  Luthers  Leben,  1883. — M.  Rade,  Dr.  Martin  Luthers 
Leben,  Thaten  und  Meiningen,  dem  Volk  erzaehlt  (1884),  2.  ed., 
1901.— A.  Stein,  Das  Buch  von  Dr.  Luther  (1888),  2.  ed.,  1904.— 
J.  Dose,  Der  Held  von  Wittenberg  und  Worms,  1906. — J.  von 
Dorneth,  Martin  Luther,  sein  Leben  und  sein,  Wirken,  1912. — G. 
Buchwald,  Dr.  Martin  Luther,  2.  ed.,  1914. — W.  Wackernagel, 
Luthers  Leben,  1883.— A.  L.  Graebner,  Dr.  Martin  Luther,  1883.— 
H.  E.  Jacobs,  Martin  Luther.  The  Hero  of  the  Reformation, 
1883.— A.  C.  MacGiffert,  Martin  Luther.  The  Man  and  His 
Work,  1912. — Pr.  Smith,  The  Life  and  Letters  of  Martin  Luther, 
191 1. — H.  E.  Jacobs,  Life  of  Luther.  Lutheran  Survey,  1914-15. — 
H.  V.  Bezzel,  Why  We  Love  Luther  (eodem  loco),  1915. — H. 
Preuss,  Unser  Luther,  1917. — M.  Reu,  Life  of  Martin  Luther, 
1917  (English  edition  by  E.  H.  Rausch). — M.  Reu,  Dr.  Martin 
Luthers  Leben,  Mit  92  Illustrationen,  1917. — E.  Singmaster,  A. 
Popular   Life   of    Martin   Luther,    1907. — We   also   mention   the 


Title  page  of  the  first  edition  of  Luther's 
Large  Catechism,  Wittenberg  1529. 


Foot  Notes  155 

English  translation  of  the  Luther-Biographies  of  Koestlin,  Rein, 
Freytag,  etc. 

102  Ad.  Hausrath,  Luthers  Leben,  2  vols.  (1904),  3.  ed.,  1913. — 
A.  E.  Berger,  Martin  Luther  in  kulturgeschichtlicher  Darstellung, 
1895  ff. 

103  Th.  Kolde,  Martin  Luther,  2  vols.,  1884-1893.— J.  Koestlin, 
Martin  Luther,  Sein  Leben  und  seine  Schriften,  5.  ed.  revised  by 
Kawerau.  2  vols.,  1903. 

10*  H.  Boehmer,  Luther  im  Licht  der  neuen  Forschung.  Ein 
kritischer  Bericht,  3.  ed.,  1914. — H.  Boehmer,  Luther  in  the  Light 
of  Recent  Research  (translated  by  Huth),  1916,  cheap  edition, 
1917- 

1'*''  J.  Koestlin,  Luthers  Theologie,  2  vols.,  1886. — K.  Eger,  Die 
Anschauungen  Luthers  vom  Beruf,  1900. — W.  Walther,  Die 
christliche  Sittlichkeit  nach  Luther,  1910. — A.  Harnack,  Lehrbuch 
der  Dogmengeschichte,  4.  ed.,  3  vol.,  1909. — F.  Loofs,  Leitfaden 
der  Dogmengeschichte,  4.  ed.,  1906. — R.  Seeberg,  Lehrbuch  der 
Dogmengeschichte,  i.  ed.,  2.  vol.,  1898. — P.  Tschackert,  Die  Ent- 
stehung  der  lutherischen  und  reformierten  Kirchenlehre,  1910. — 
O.  Ritschl,  Die  Dogmengeschichte  des  Protestantismus,  1908-1912. 
— J.  Gottschick,  Luthers  Theologie,  1914. 

106  E  Troeltsch,  Die  Bedeutung  des  Protestantismus  fuer  die 
Entstehung  der  modernen  Welt,  1906. — Compare  the  articles  of 
Brieger  in  Zeitschrift  fuer  Kirchengeschichte  (1906),  of  Katten- 
busch  in  Theologische  Rundschau  (1907)  and  the  review  of  W. 
Koehler  in  "Theologischer  Jahresbericht"  (1906  fif.). — F.  Loofs, 
Luthers  Stellung  zum  Mittelalter  und  zur  Neuzeit,  1907. — H. 
Boehmer,  Luther  im  Licht  der  neuen  Forschung,  i.  ed.,  1906. — 
H.  Hermelink,  Reformation  und  Gegenreformation,  191 1. — A. 
Juelicher,  Der  religioese  Wert  der  Reformation,  1913. 


Katechetik  oder  die  Lehre  vom  kirchlichen  Unterricht.  1915. 
Cloth,  444  pages.  $2.50.  2nd  edition.  English  edition  in 
course  of  preparation. 

That,  in  a  book  of  such  importance  and  scope,  much  material  might 
be  found  that  another  would  have  stated  in  different  terms,  is  certain. 
It  is  not  so  certain,  however,  that  this  would  have  been  an  improvement. 
At  any  rate,  the  details  that  might  come  in  for  criticism  are  of  small 
import  compared  with  the  excellence  of  the  book  as  a  whole.  Hence,  I 
shall  only  say:  No  one  can  afford  to  pass  by  this  volume  on  catechetics, 
to  whom  the  uplift  of  our  Lutheran  standards  of  instruction  is  a  matter 
of  deep  concern.— Director  Schaller,  Wauwatosa,  Wis.  Dr.  Reu's  book 
represents  the  latest  and  best  results  of  modern  learning,  and  offers  the 
catechist  who  desires  to  improve  upon  former  methods  of  instruction  so 
much  material  for  study  and  so  many  suggestions  for  its  practical  ap- 
plication that  we  hope  that  it  will  be  widely  read  also  in  our  circles. 
One  can  only  benefit  by   its  diligent  use. — Dr.   Th.   Mees,   Columbus,   Ohio. 


The  Life  of  Dr.  Martin  Luther.  Sketched  for  young  people's 
societies  and  the  necessary  directions  for  general  dis- 
cussion appended.  1917.  Cloth,  210  pages.  Chicago, 
Wartburg  Publishing  House.  35  cents.  Done  in  English 
by  Emil  H.  Rausch. 

At  first  glance  this  book  does  not  impress  one  as  being  worthy  of 
special  mention.  It  is  printed  on  thin  paper,  and  is  so  small  that  it  can 
easily  be  carried  in  the  pocket.  It  is,  however,  printed  in  clear  and 
legible  type,  and  its  contents  are  excellent.  How  fortunate  the  young 
people's  society  is  that  can  study  the  material  offered  in  the  way  sug- 
gested.— Dr.  Stellhorn,  Columbus,  Ohio. — Although  we  did  not  receive  a 
copy  for  review,  we  believe  that  we  are  doing  our  readers  a  service,  in 
calling  their  attention  to  this  book.  The  author  has  fully  done  justice  to 
his  task.  His  book  is  not  merely  an  enumeration  of  the  events  of  that 
period  of  history.  It  is  a  logical  presentation  of  the  development  of  the 
great  Reformer.  Special  stress  is  laid  upon  the  meaning  and  importance 
of  Luther's  work  for  the  church  of  the  present  day.  And  all  this  is  put 
in  such  clear,  popular  lang^iage,  that  every  one  who  still  has  some  taste 
for  spiritual  things  will  read  this  book  with  great  interest.  Young 
people's  societies  and  their  leaders  will  be  especially  thankful  to  the 
author. — Prof.  H.   E.  Meyer,  Wauwatosa,  Wis. 


Dr.  Martin  Luthers  Leben,  fuer  die  reifere  Jugend  und  das 
christliche  Haus,  von  Dr.  M.  Reu.  With  92  illustrations. 
Wartburg  Publishing  House,  Chicago,  111.  1917-  Cloth, 
283  pages.    Price  $1.00  plus  10%. 

Dr.  Reu  is  one  of  the  most  prolific  authors  of  the  Lutheran  Church  in 
our  country.  To  the  books  that  he  has  written,  he  has  again  added 
another:  Luthers  Leben  fuer  die  reifere  Jugend  vind  das  christliche  Haus. 
It  is  one  of  the  best  books  that  the  anniversary  year  has  produced,  and 
is  more  profusely  illustrated,  so  far  as  we  know,  than  any  other.  The 
beautiful,  clear  type  deserves  special  mention.  If  any  one  desires  to  add 
another  book  to  the  list  of  his  anniversary  volumes,  or  if  he  has  no 
biography  of  the  great  Reformer,  he  should  not  pass  by  Dr.  Reu's  book. 
— Ev.-Luth.   Gemeindeblatt. 


Quellen  zur  Geschichte .  des  kirchlichen  Unterrichts  im  evan- 
gelischen  Deutschland  zwischen  1530  und  1600.  I.  Quel- 
len zur  Geschichte  des  Katechismusunterrichts  :  1.  Sued- 
deutsche  Katechismen  1904.  808  pages.  $5.10.-2.  Mittel- 
deutsche  Katechismen:  a)  Texte  1911.  1124  pages  $6.25; 
b)  Historisch-bibliographische  Einleitung  I9II.  496 
pages  $3.40. — Ost-,  Nord-  und  Westdeutsche  Katechismen 
unter  der  Presse,  about  1200  pages. — II.  Quellen  zur  Ge- 
schichte des  biblischen  Unterrichts  1906.  124  and  1020 
pages  $5.10. 

Reu's  work  commands  tlie  interest  of  all  who  are  engaged  in  the 
scientific  study  of  the  chatechetical  literature  of  the  16th  century,  and 
deserves  unreserved  appreciation  (Dr.  Knote — Goettingen,  Theol.  Litera- 
turzeitung). — An  undertaking  large  in  scope,  a  work  deserving  of  highest 
merit  (Dr.  Drews — Halle,  Deutsche  Literaturzeitung). — A  reference  work 
of  the  first  rank  (Dr.  v.  Buerger — Muenchen). — It  is  surprising  to  what 
extent  the  author  succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  original  sources  and 
other  literature  related  to  his  subject  (Dr.  Kaverau — Berlin,  Goettinger 
Gel.  Anzeiger). — The  author  has  enriched  the  field  of  catechetical  lit- 
erature by  a  real  standard  work  (Dr.  Kolde — Erlangen,  Beitr.  z.  bayr. 
Kirchengeschichte). — In  spite  of  the  difiiculties  caused  by  the  fact  that  he 
lives  so  far  removed  from  his  field  of  research,  the  American  avithor,  by 
intense  application  and  discerning  judgment,  has  laid  the  foundation  for 
a  literary  monument  which  we  cannot  welcome  too  thankfully  (Dr.  Smend 
— Strassburg). — Surely  no  one  in  Germany  had  dared  to  hope  that  we 
would  so  suddenly,  and  that  from  an  American,  receive  such  a  thorough 
and  scientific  work  as  the  "Quellen"  (Dr.  Kropatschel — Breslau). — An 
indispensible,  inexhaustible  and  reliable  source,  the  result  of  great 
diligence  (Reichsbote). — It  is  almost  a  cause  for  shame  upon  German 
theologians,  that  a  foreigner  should  perform  such  a  task  for  us  (Dr.  O. 
Albrecht — Naumburg). — A  product  of  untiring  diligence  and  profound 
learning  (Dr.  F.  Kohrs,  Theol.  Literaturbl.,  Leipzig). — A  thankworthy  un- 
dertaking, which  offers  valuable  information  both  to  the  writer  of  church, 
and  to  the  writer  of  profane  history  (Dr.  Wolf — 'Freuburg  i.  Br.). — The 
author  has  opened  the  way  for  us  into  a  beautiful  garden,  into  which  most 
of  us  have  hardly  cast  a  glance  (Dr.  Simons — Marburg). — A  work  that 
will  greatly  advance  the  work  of  research  and  which  will  remain  in- 
dispensible for  all  future  study  (Dr.  Schian — Giessen  1908). — How  the 
author,  who  resides  in  America,  succeeds  in  writing  this  excellent  work 
of  the  sources  is  a  riddle  perhaps  not  only  to  the  reviewer  (Dr.  Koehler 
— Zuerich). — Reu  has  cast  a  bright  light  upon  the  realm  of  religious 
education  in  the  16th  century,  not  only  upon  the  realm  of  textbooks,  but 
also  upon  the  whole  realm  of  education.  He  offers  the  sources  for  in- 
dependent study;  he  also  paves  the  way  to  their  proper  understanding. 
In  the  understanding  of  this  realm  of  religious  instruction,  and  thus 
also  in  the  understanding  of  the  Lulheranism  of  the  century  of  the 
Reformation  he  has  brought  us  a  mighty  step  onward.  Especially  by 
the  latest  volume  (1911)  he  has  enriched  us  with  a  book  which  we  hardly 
dared  hope  to  receive  so  soon  (Dr.  Schian — Giessen  1912). — Untiring  zeal 
svhich  was  spurred  on,  rather  than  hindred  by  the  difiiculties  caused  by 
the  great  distance  from  Germany  has  brought  a  great  undertaking  a 
mighty  step  onward.  Reu  reveals  wonderful  ability  in  tracing  out  hidden 
things,  and  in  discovering  things  that  had  been  forgotten....  The  first 
part  of  the  second  volume  (I  2")  is  called:  "Historical-bibliographical 
Introduction."  That  title  is  too  modest,  for  it  offers  more,  namely,  an 
accurate  catechetical  history  of  Sachsen-Thueringen,  Schlesien,  Hessen. 
In  conclusion,  let  us  again  express  our  thanks  for  this  great  twofold  gift 
of  whose  valuable  contents  a  review  even  twice  as  long  as  the  present  one 
(it  covers  twelve  pages)  could  not  give  an  adequate  description  (Dr, 
Simons— Marburg,  Theol.   Rundschau  1915,  Heft  2), 


Die  alttestamentlichen  Perikopen  nach  der  Auswahl  von  Tho- 
masius,  exegetisch-homiletisch  bearbeitet.  1901  and  1906. 
Cloth  in  one  volume  $4.00. 

This  book  has  Tenderer  excelelnt  service  to  me  (Theol.  Anzeiger). — 
Reu  deserves  unreserved  thanks  for  having  shown  us  that  thorough 
exegesis,  and  a  setting  into  the  history  of  the  time,  are  the  first  prin- 
ciples in  the  homiletic  use  of  the  Old  Testament  (Ev.  Kirchenblatt  fuer 
Wuerttemberg).— Reu  has  excellently  performed  his  task  (Theol.  Literatur- 
blatt). — Scientifically  accurate,  as  well  as  practical  (Ev.  Kirchenzfeitung). 
— It  is  simple  and  yet  profound.  It  teaches  us  to  understand  the  Old 
Testament  from  a  Christian  viewpoint,  and  creates  a  desire  to  preach 
(Schleswig-Holsteiner  Kirchen-  und  Schulblatt). — One  thing  in  the  book 
pleases  me  excellently:  the  direct,  concentrated,  penetration  into  the 
religious  and  saving  truths  of  these  difficult  Old  Testament  passages. 
While  it  includes  the  scientific  basis  for  exegesis,  it  omits  all  learned 
discussions.  The  book  has  edifying  qualities  (Leipziger  Zeitung).^ 
Equipped  with  a  help  of  this  kind  every  preacher  can  undertake  to 
preach  on  the  Old  Testament  (Kirchenrat  Boeckh — Nuerenberg). — It 
created  respect  for  German-American  theology,  and  will  also  be  of  ex- 
cellent service  to  the  pastors  of  our  state  church  (Dr.  v.  Burger — Muen- 
chen). — This  book  compares  favorably  with  the  best  that  has  been  pro- 
duced in  its  line  (Luth.  Kirchenblatt — Reading). — The  exposition  of  the 
text  is  profound  and  clear,  and  the  application  is  unforced  and  practical, 
the  language,  especially  in  the  application,  is  beautiful  and  elavated. 


Wartburg  Lesson  Helps  for  Lutheran  Sunday  Schools.  Chicago. 
Wartburg  Publishing  House.  1914.  English  edition  edited 
by  E.  H.  Rausch  in  collaboration  with  H.  Mueller,  H. 
Brueckner  and  C.  Prottengeier. 

In  regard  to  form  and  contents,  the  Wartburg  Lesson  Helps  leave 
little  to  be  desired  (Luther.  Zionsbote,  General  Synod). — The  publication 
of  these  books  is  of  great  importance  to  Lutheran  Sunday  Schools.  He 
who  is  looking  for  better  material  for  his  Sunday  School  should  order 
samples  of  these  "Helps"  and  seriously  consider  them  (Gemeindeblatt  der 
Wisconsin  Synode). — An  undertaking  of  great  magnitude.  After  having 
read  the  questions,  which  represent  carefully  prepared  catechisations,  one 
will  understand  why  we  are  filled  with  enthusiasm  for  these-  "Lesson 
Helps"  and  why  we  hope  that  they  will  be  used  extensively  (Der 
Deutsche  Lutheraner,  General  Konzil).— It  is  marvelous  how  carefully  the 
whole  system  has  been  prepared,  how  clearly  it  has  been  planned  and 
how  faithfully  this  plan  has  been  carried  out.  In  all  literature  of  this 
nature,  there  is  nothing  that  can  be  compared  with  these  "Lesson  Helps." 
Where  such  helps  are  used  in  the  manner  prescribed  both  teacher  and 
pupil  can  derive  only  lasting  benefit  (Prelate  Schmitthenner  in  Karls- 
ruhe, Chairman  of  the  Sunday  School  Teachers'  Conference  in  Baden). — 
An  excellent  help  for  instruction  in  the  Sunday  School.  One  is  delighted 
to  discover  that  this  learned  theologian,  who  belongs  to  our  most  noted 
investigators  in  the  field  of  catechetical  literature,  knows  how  to  speak 
to  children  in  such  a  child-like  way  (Dr.  Ihmels,  Leipzig  Theol.  Literatur- 
blatt  1915  Nr.  7). 


Date  Due 


1  7  '48  frtitliiiitiiliM' 


3"^ 
-7  ^ 


